3d logo journal

“Trafficked and Criminalized : Rethinking Juvenile Justice for Vulnerable Children Subjected to Exploitation”

Author: Prajukta Mukherjee / BA LLB 5th year, Law student /  ICFAI University Tripura.

3d logo journal

Abstract

It is deeply concerning that rather than nurturing of innocent children who have the potential to shape society’s future are deprived of their childhood innocence and compelled to commit offences that they do not understand because of immaturity. Human trafficking is the dark world where  everything is built upon cruelty and exploitation. The critical examination of the issue in the writing is the discrepancy between the legal and ethical perspective regarding the status of the victims and criminals. Trafficked children are considered victims under international and domestic laws, including the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Juvenile Justice Act of India, and the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act. These laws are criticised for failing to identify, implement, and sensitise the process turning the protection mechanism into victimising apparatus. Through judicial interpretation and case analysis, the policy and practice discrepancy that led to the confusion between protection and punishment ambiguity is revealed. The paper proposes a reform oriented, right based humanitarian consideration and legal obligation thereby compelling the justice system to view trafficked children as victims or survivors deserving restoration, dignity, and reclaimed childhood. The paper advocates for a Jurisprudence which extends for protection to the vulnerable without compromising justice.

Keywords:-  Child Trafficking, Juvenile Justice System, Victim Criminalisation, Child Protection Law, Right-Based Legal Framework.

 Between Innocence and Injustice: An Introduction

Child trafficking is still one of the most grievous human rights violations, taking advantage of the vulnerability of children through deception, coercion, and abuse.[1] Despite all the improvements in the legislative framework, thousands of minors continue to fall victim to forced labour and prostitution, among other types of violence. Indeed, it falls within this context that we witness a disturbing dilemma, victims of child trafficking are criminalised under the law, rather than being acknowledged as victims in need of assistance. This paper provides an analysis of the legal and systemic deficiencies, which facilitate the criminalisation of children who have been trafficked, particularly in countries such as India, where the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015 coexists with repressive criminal laws. An assessment of gaps in fulfilling global legal obligations regarding the protection of human rights in a certain country will reveal the loopholes in identifying the victims, exercising compassion towards children in court proceedings and offering assistance with rehabilitation. International frameworks such as the UNCRC and the Palermo Protocol protect minors from criminalisation, but those concepts are not implemented at domestic levels, for example, in the US. Structural flaws growing from a lack of police and judiciary sensitisation to ineffective identification mechanisms result in the misidentification of trafficked children as “children in conflict with law.”[2] As such, these children are subjected to the threat of criminal prosecution, imprisonment, and societal stigma, which further diminishes their chances of recovery. It is crucial to recognise this disconnect in order to ensure compliance with international obligations and uphold the integrity of the juvenile justice system.

While examining statutory models, empirical case studies, and global standards, the paper promotes a rights-based, trauma-sensitive juvenile justice approach.[3] The primary argument is that criminalising trafficked children violates the principles of justice and  encourages exploitation cycles. The research thereby urges legal reform and systemic coherence to the effect that law can become a tool of protection rather than punishment for the most vulnerable.

 

Legal Definitions and Jurisdictional Scope of Child Trafficking

Human trafficking, especially when it involves children creates horror, constituting one of the gravest violations of human rights, freedom, and dignity. It undermines the moral and legal fabric of societies by turning children, who should be shielded by protection and care, into objects of exploitation. At the global level, the most authoritative definition of trafficking in persons is provided by the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, also known as the Palermo Protocol, 2000. According to this protocol, human trafficking is defined generally as the activity involved in procuring or transferring people using coercion and deception for exploitation purposes . In the case of children, however, the Protocol removes the requirements to prove coercion or consent on the grounds of recognising that the vulnerability of a child nullifies any form of supposed agreement. The UNCRC complements these provisions by placing an absolute obligation on state parties to take effective measures to prevent the abduction, sale, and trafficking of children.[4]   Together, these instruments create a global legal framework that places the protection of trafficked children in a broader human rights context. India’s domestic law also heavily reflects these international commitments, even though the framework is still somewhat spread across multiple statutes. Trafficking is listed as an offense in Section 370 of the Indian Penal Code, which has since been replaced by Section 143 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023.[5] The list also includes other forms of exploitation, such as forced labor, slavery, servitude, and sexual exploitation. This is further supported by the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015, which classifies trafficked children as needing care and protection and places more emphasis on rehabilitation and reintegration than retaliation. Together, the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012, provides extensive protections against sexual abuse, which is often a central component of crimes related to human trafficking. Together, these legal tools create a robust, rights-based framework that both criminalise human trafficking and works to restore the child’s dignity. The current difficulty is making sure that these laws are read and applied with a child-sensitive perspective, putting protection, empowerment, and long-term justice above prosecution.

The Criminal Law Dilemma: Victim, Offender, or Both?

Instead of viewing children who are trafficked and forced into illegal activities like drug sales, prostitution, or theft as victims, the law often views them as criminals. This presents a serious ethical and legal dilemma: should these children be shielded and given rehabilitation, or should they be punished for the crimes they were coerced into committing? This inconsistency becomes particularly evident in India when contrasting various laws.[6] While the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015 acknowledges that children involved in such activities may actually be victims in need of care and protection, the Indian Penal Code (IPC) punishes activities like drug trafficking and sex work. But in practice, police frequently detain and prosecute children who have been trafficked without first verifying if they were forced to commit such acts.[7] This system fails to address the trauma that they have gone through and often usually results to secondary victimisation.[8]

International human rights law is more explicit. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the UNODC Model Law against Trafficking in Persons both provide that the children being trafficked must not be punished for acts they commit due to trafficking. Our country India lacks a clear procedural safeguard to implement this principle firmly.[9] In order India needs a clear and consistent legal framework that prioritises protecting trafficked children over prosecuting them in order to address this issue

Juvenile Justice in Theory and in Practice to Recent Scenario.

The foundation of the juvenile justice system is the belief that young people who are in legal trouble are essentially developmentally and psychologically distinct from adults.  Juvenile justice, which is rooted in the idea of rehabilitation as opposed to retaliation, seeking reform rather than punishment.[10] The child-focused policy recognises that juvenile delinquency is often the consequence of some form of mistreatment, neglect, exploitation, or the absence of any social infrastructure, which makes rehabilitation both possible and necessary for them to turn around their life by acting quickly and compassionately. The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015 in India reflects the concept of rehabilitation. This act has provisions that address children who are found to be in conflict with the law. The Act establishes Child Welfare Committees and Juvenile Justice Boards, specialised forums designed to ensure child-friendly proceedings.[11] The key aspects such as age determination are managed with care to ensure the child is not penalised in any way. The progressive nature of this legislation is also seen through its provisions for bail and prohibiting confinement in jail alongside adults. Plans for tailored rehabilitation programs will intend to ensure that all the needs of each particular child are being addressed. Nevertheless, even with such a comprehensive approach to protect the rights of children, the system may fail because of existing biases, lack of training, and the poor infrastructure, making it hard for this legislation to be applied appropriately. Thus, far from getting protection and rehabilitation, many children, especially those who get involved in trafficking and other heinous crimes, end up being stigmatised and treated as offenders.

Rights-Based Approach and International Guidelines

Placing the child at the center of all legal, policy, and procedural frameworks is a key component of a rights-based approach to juvenile justice, particularly for children who have been trafficked. International human rights instruments, most notably the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), to support this.[12]  In view of the fact that the UNCRC is a legally binding international agreement which was signed in 1992 by India, it is clear that this convention guarantees the protection of all children against ill treatment, abuse, exploitation, neglect, violence, and trafficking, as well as granting children the right to special treatment in case they violate the law not knowingly. Articles 37 and 40 of the Convention explicitly ensure that detained children are treated with respect, kept apart from adults, and subjected to procedures that prioritise reintegration and rehabilitation rather than punishment. [13] To supplement the UNCRC is the Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (2000), which India acceded to in 2005. The Protocol enhances State parties obligation to criminalise and prevent exploitation of children for commercial sex and other forms of trafficking. It underlines the importance of addressing trafficked children as victims, not perpetrator even if they were compelled to engaged in illegal acts, as an immediate consequence of exploitation.

International guidelines formulated by institutions like UNICEF and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) are also crucial. UNICEF facilitates child-sensitive justice and sets standards on diversion, non-custodial sanctions, and restorative justice.[14] According to the UNODC, through its “Model Law against Trafficking in Persons” and its opinions of reforms for juvenile justice, the adoption of children-specific requirements, identification process, and protection is encouraged in the fight against human trafficking. These guidelines ensures proper identification, trauma-informed care, provision of legal assistance, and community-based rehabilitation for victims.

India’s national law, specifically the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015,  accords with most of these global commitments. But enforcement is still inconsistent. Child victims of forced labour, commercial sexual exploitation, or drug trafficking are often incorrectly identified as perpetrators instead of being safeguarded as victims.[15] An approach based on rights requires a shift in paradigm from criminalisation to care backed by proper training, institutional change, and cross-sector collaboration to ensure the international standards India has agreed to[16]. Bridging this gap is essential not only to ensure compliance with international law, but also to affirm the inherent dignity and rights of every child is secured.

Systemic Gaps in Identification and Protection of Victims

In the face of available progressive laws and international obligations, children who are trafficked are often misidentified as delinquents within the juvenile justice system.[17] This is largely due to the combination of factors, lack of awareness, and inadequate training on the part of the frontline responders. For example, the policemen who happen to be the frontline workers may, at times, tend to focus on the crime that is being perpetrated and ignore the situation through which the child may have been forced into criminal activity. This means that when coerced children participate in selling drugs, stealing, and engaging in prostitution activities, they are apprehended for offences under criminal law without taking into account their victim status. These institutions often lack the specialised training, resources, or sensitivity to identify indicators of trafficking and trauma.[18] Medical examinations are often conducted in a mechanical or insensitive manner, with inadequate attention to the child’s psychological condition. CWCs, required to be the first line of protection, are plagued by delays, insufficient coordination with NGOs and the police, and saturated caseloads that imperil individualised attention.

Furthermore, the lack of trauma-sensitive and child-friendly processes undermines the protective purpose of the system. Interviews take place in apprehensive settings, in the absence of trained counsellors or interpreters, and without ascertaining the informed consent or comprehension of their rights on the part of the child. In addition to re-traumatising the child, this increases the likelihood of non-compliance and false accusations. In actuality, the system occasionally disregards the child’s best interests in favor of procedural efficiency. Closing such gaps in the system will call for legal reform as well as building capacity, inter-agency coordination, and institutionalising trauma-informed practices that respect the rights and dignity of trafficked children.

 

Real‑World Case Studies: Re‑Victimisation in the Justice System

Although the goal of the legal system is to safeguard and preserve the rights of all citizens, its interactions with child victims intensify the trauma experienced by the children. Re-victimisation happens when insensitive handling, rigid legal formalities, and procedures and processes execute the harm that victims have already endured as a result of abuse, neglect, or exploitation. Through actual case studies, this section illustrates how, even in situations where protective measures are supposedly in place, children may be subjected to repeated emotional, psychological, and social stress and trauma during the proceedings. Analysis of such cases comes up with important information about systemic gaps, points out the human toll from inconsistent or insensitive judicial practice, and emphasises the urgent need for child-centered reforms that place safety, dignity, and holistic well-being above procedural confidence.

 

  1. Sunaina’s Case (Delhi)

Sunaina, who was a sex worker trafficked from G.B. Road, got a rare amount of justice due to her powerful “victim‑witness testimony” and the efforts of NGOs. A magistrate, who had undergone an NGO‑organised training, identified Sunaina’s sincere disclosure and held her exploiter guilty under the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act.[19] Additionally, she was granted compensation, both through court judgment and a newly formulated government victim compensation program.  Yet the result unveiled deeper systemic failures. Sunaina had to wait for years after the conviction to receive her compensation and, even after acquittal, still suffered the brunt of her exploitation. She failed to get reinserted into society due to prejudice in society, inadequate education, and a weak support system.

 

  1. Patna High Court Case – Misplaced Custody of a Trafficked Minor

In a serious misuse of legal safeguards, the Patna High Court considered the case of a 15-year-old girl who was trafficked by her maternal uncle and was compelled into prostitution. She was released into the wrong custody under the pretext of the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act.[20]

The court severely criticised the Special Judge for his inability to ensure obligatory provisions under the Juvenile Justice Act, especially the requirement to ensure the identity of the custodian before releasing the child. The judgment pointed out the way procedural expedience and disregard for statutory protection can compromise trafficked children by leaving them vulnerable to further abuse.

 

  1. Pinki v. State of Uttar Pradesh – Systemic Laxity Enabling Trafficking

The Supreme Court’s decision In Pinki v. State of Uttar Pradesh revealed another aspect of failure, that of the state itself.

A court set aside a High Court order granting bail to a trafficker who had sold a child for ₹4 lakh, terming the ruling “shockingly lax.” The bench openly criticised the state’s apathy in not opposing the grant of bail, cautioning that such negligence will encourage traffickers who exploit legal loopholes in the law, including the allegedly protective juvenile proceedings, to go on victimising children.[21]

Rehabilitation and Reintegration: Around Law to A Lived Reality

The rehabilitation and integration of people who have been exploited, abused, or trafficked is crucial and involves more than just laws, it involves real healing. Whereas laws may allow for the protection and assistance of the victims, implementation often remains inadequate. Counseling is crucial in helping the victim deal with their experience and restore their confidence. Failure to provide the victim with counseling would lead to partial and/or ineffective healing. Equally important is access to education and vocational training, which enables individuals to rebuild independence and reintegrate into society.[22] Reintegration into the community, however, is one of the most challenging phases. Survivors often face social stigma, discrimination, and distrust, which can lead them to stay isolated and be re-victimised. State institutions and non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) are key to overcoming the gap between practice and policy.[23] While state institutions have the funding and mandate to offer long-term care, legal services, and systemic reform, NGOs typically lead the way in providing specialised care, safe shelters, and community outreach. Barriers still exist. Often, there is insufficient infrastructure to provide care voluntarily, particularly in under-resourced or rural areas. Funding for long-term reintegration programs is still insufficient, and interagency coordination is frequently fragmented or poorly coordinated.

Furthermore, survivors who are repeatedly exploited are likely to be returned to the same socioeconomic circumstances that made them vulnerable in the first place. The cycle can reoccur unless there is a structural change. Effective rehabilitation and reintegration require more than just good intentions they require dedicated funding, sustained institutional support and a shift in societal perceptions.[24] Society can only ensure that survivors are not only protected but also given the tools they need to thrive by transforming legal requirements into tangible, wide-ranging support systems.

Judicial and Policy Inconsistencies through Observance

Significant judicial and policy inconsistencies continues to affect the legislative regime for protecting and providing for the welfare of children, leading to inconsistent interpretations and uneven application. Inconsistent legal interpretations and rulings undermine the coherence of jurisprudence and undermines public confidence in the legal system, especially in matters that are concerned to child rights, abuse, or custody. For instance, varying interpretations of the “best interest of the child” standard have led to inconsistent court decisions, with some giving greater weight to biological ties than to the child’s psychological or emotional needs.[25]  These inconsistencies highlights the need for more coherent and consistent interpretive approaches by the Judiciary.

Judges, public prosecutors, and child advocates who are responsible for both enforcing the law and protect the tender interests of the children play a significant role in resolving this problem. Nevertheless, the lack of sensitivity and specialised training among these agents result in their decision-making, which tends to be legally sound but socially and psychologically inadequate. In some cases, judges becomes overly focused on procedural formalities while neglecting trauma-informed approaches, whereas public prosecutors are not properly equipped with a child-centric approach for a proper case management. Although functioning as an intermediary between the child and the legal process, child advocates often faces structural and institutional barriers that limits their effectiveness. Comprehensive judicial sensitisation and policy harmonisation are essential to resolving these disparities[26]. Judicial officers should receive regular training in global best practices, trauma-informed care, and child psychology. In a similar vein, policy guidelines must be revised to promote consistency in interpretations of child welfare laws, incorporating interdisciplinary contributions from education, psychology, and social work.[27] The legal system can move towards a consistent fair decisions that truly reflect children’s rights and best interests by supporting an integrated approach that better secures the future of children.

Reform, Restore, Reintegrate: Towards a Restorative Child Justice Framework

A comprehensive, multifaceted approach founded on reform to address prevention and meaningful participation is required to address this persistent gaps in the child justice system. This begins with establishing clear, standardised procedures to identify vulnerable children, particularly those which are found to be in conflict with the law, so that early intervention can becomes consistent and bias can be reduced. Recognising children as right holders in need of protection, the system can shift from criminalisation to support. Community based alternatives should be strengthened that prioritise rehabilitation over formal court proceedings, diversion programme needs to be strengthened and expanded.[28] When implemented effectively diversion provides children an alternative to detention to be reintegrated into society through care, mentoring, and structured support. Alongside such initiatives, complete psychosocial rehabilitation especially access to mental health services, education, and vocational training-is essential in restoring dignity to children, building their resilience, and offering them opportunities to reintegrate into society in a meaningful way. A child-friendly justice system must operationalise the “three Ps”: prevention, protection, and participation. Preventive policies and measures should address structural vulnerabilities such as poverty, abuse, and lack of access to education, while protection frameworks must embed child-friendly procedures at every stage of the legal and administrative process.[29] At the same time, encouraging active involvement in decision-making processes regarding their lives empowers children and increases their agency in line with international obligations under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Ultimately, juvenile justice must shift from being punitive to being restorative and healing oriented. In restorative justice, children should be met with compassion, empathy, support, and reintegration rather than punishment. This system helps build a future based on care, fairness, and accountability through rehabilitation and restoration of dignity. It will, therefore, ensure that juvenile justice is not just a legal procedure but a compassionate process, emphasising the commitment of society to its most vulnerable members.

 

Conclusion: Maintaining Rights & Reclaiming Dignity

The overlap between juvenile justice and human trafficking can be considered one of the most pressing and challenging issues of child welfare and rights across the globe. All too often, trafficked children end up being overlooked, prosecuted, or falling through the cracks of systems that fails to fully recognise the vulnerability of their situation or the suffering that they have endured. It clearly justifies the necessity for reforms in the existing framework, with the ultimate aim being the reform of the justice systems in a way that recognises the dignity of trafficked or exploited children. The existing framework tends to prioritise prosecution over protection, often overlooking the lived experiences of the child. In order for things to change for the better, there is a need for a more responsive and child centered justice system the one that focuses on protection, prevention, detection, rehabilitation, and the active participation of the child. No child should ever get prosecuted for acts that were being committed under coercion or against their will. Justice that considers the child with empathy, views him or her as a right bearing individual rather as an offender stripped of dignity from society, and restores agency to the child to reclaim his or her autonomy and self-respect is true justice. Restorative justice therefore is just not merely an abstract concept but a fundamental requirement that reflects the moral foundation of law. Through safeguarding the rights of trafficked children and restoring their dignity, we come closer to establishing justice that upholds not just law but morality as well.

[1] UNODC, Global Report on Trafficking in Persons 2022 (UNODC 2022) 14.

[2] Sandeep Suresh, ‘Criminalisation of Child Trafficking Victims in India: A Critical Analysis’ (2021) 12 Indian Journal of Human Rights 45.

[3] National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), Crime in India 2021, 78-80.

[4] United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1577 UNTS 3, arts 35–36.

[5] Indian Penal Code 1860, section 370 (repealed by Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita 2023, s 143).

[6] Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act 2015 (India) s 1(4)(i)‑(ii).

[7] UNODC, Model Law against Trafficking in Persons (United Nations 2009) art 10

[8] National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) of India, Study on Child Trafficking in India (NHRC 2022) 45–47

[9] S Suresh, ‘Criminalisation of Child Trafficking Victims in India: A Critical Analysis’ (2021) 12 Indian Journal of Human Rights 45.

[10] Thomas Grisso and R G Schwartz, Youth on Trial: A Developmental Perspective on Juvenile Justice (University of Chicago Press 2000) 7–9.

[11] Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act 2015 (India) ss 27–29.

[12] United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1577 UNTS 3 (UNCRC).

[13] Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted 20 November 1989, United Nations, arts 37–40.

[14] United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Model Law against Trafficking in Persons (United Nations 2009) art 10.

[15] Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act 2015 (India) ss 27–29.

[16] Michael Tonry, Youth Crime and Juvenile Justice (Oxford University Press 2004) 23.

[17] UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, General Comment No 24: Children’s Rights in the Child Justice System

[18] UNICEF, Child-Sensitive Justice: The Case for Reform (UNICEF 2016).

[19] Sunaina Case, as reported in Centre for Equity Studies Report on Trafficked Women in India, 2019.

[20] Patna High Court, In Re Custody of a Trafficked Minor (2021)

[21] Pinki v State of Uttar Pradesh (2023) 6 SCC 412.

[22] UNICEF, Child Protection and Rehabilitation: Guidelines for Reintegration, 2015.

[23] Human Rights Watch, Breaking the Chains: Child Slavery, Forced Labour and Trafficking in India

[24] United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Toolkit to Combat Trafficking in Persons (UNODC 2008) 301–304

[25] Gaurav Nagpal v Sumedha Nagpal (2009) 1 SCC 42

[26] National Judicial Academy (India), Child-Friendly Courts and Judicial Sensitisation: Training Module (NJA 2020) 12–15

[27] United Nations Guidelines on Justice in Matters Involving Child Victims and Witnesses of Crime ECOSOC Res 2005/20, paras 38–45

[28] United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice GA Res 40/33, Rules 11–19

[29] UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, General Comment No 12: The Right of the Child to be Heard (2009)

3d logo journal

“THE IMPACT OF THE MEDIATION ACT- 2023,ON ACCESS TO JUSTICE IN INDIA”

AUTHOR :- Swetha Dutta / Law Student / BA LLB(Hons.) / Third Year/ SVKM’s Narsee Monjee Institute of Management Studies, School of Law, Bengaluru

3d logo journal

ABSTRACT

Since 2023, the Indian judicial system has witnessed constant issues throughout many states, resulting in a serious lack of judicial time occurring throughout multiple levels of the court systems located across India; hence, over five crore open cases remain open for all levels. Since this issue has caused the executive branch to violate the Constitution of India, for millions of litigants, the right to access justice as found in Articles 14, 21, and 39A requires an adequate and effective means of resolving disputes – a requirement that has not yet been met as a result of the unfinished nature of the current statutory and caselaw system of resolution under section 89 of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 and the Commercial Courts Act, 2015.

The Mediation Act establishing an independent mediation system includes a requirement for pre-court mediation, which may limit access to courts for less fortunate individuals, in addition to the possibility of greater access by creating opportunities for resolving disputes without attending court. Therefore, this study will look at three areas: (1) the legislative text; (2) the effect of the legislation against constitutional guarantees; and (3) whether it democratises access to civil dispute resolution.

Keywords: Mediation Act 2023, Access to Justice, Pre-litigation Mediation, Alternative Dispute Resolution, Mediation Council of India, Singapore Convention.

INTRODUCTION

Accessing justice is not only a procedural right, but it is also a substantive constitutional guarantee under Articles 14, 21 and 39A of the Constitution of India. The Supreme Court of India has confirmed in Anita Kushwaha v Pushap Sudan that the right to access a court of law is an essential part of the fundamental right to life set out in Article 21. [1]However, due to an ongoing pendency crisis that has plagued the Indian judicial system for decades and has resulted in more than 5 crore cases pending in 2023, this guarantee has been rendered meaningless for countless litigants.[2]

As a result of this situation, the Government passed the Mediation Act, 2023, which was given Presidential assent on September 14, 2023. [3] The Act establishes a stand-alone statutory framework that builds on Section 89 of the CPC, 1908 and the Commercial Courts Act, 2015, which previously existed. The most important changes included in this Act are: making mediation a mandatory pre-litigation step, creating the Mediation Council of India to act as a permanent regulatory authority and providing a basis for India to adhere to the Singapore Convention on Mediation.[4]

The paper looks at how the Mediation Act of 2023 affects access to justice in India. The author analyses the statute, its provisions, as well as other weaknesses of the institution compared to the guarantees of equality and international models. The author concludes that, although progressive, achieving the Act’s goal of making access to dispute resolution more democratic will depend on developing an inclusive approach through the establishment and implementation of effective processes and systems.

  1. STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

Although the Law Commission Report (1988) [5]and Supreme Court ruling, Salem Advocate Bar Association, have supported the concept of “mediation”[6], until the passage of the “Mediation Law 2023” there has been no formal legal framework to facilitate this concept, mediation has historically been performed in reliance upon Section 89 of the CPC (1908), which allows for the Court to refer matters to mediation. However, there are no prescribed procedures, no means to hold Mediation Practitioners accountable or for enforcing mediation settlements, shortcomings that were eloquently highlighted by the Supreme Court in Afcons Infrastructure Ltd. v. Cherian Varkey Construction Co.[7]

This paper identifies a research gap in the lack of critical scholarship assessing whether the Mediation Act 2023 is genuinely promoting or restricting access to justice for disadvantaged litigants through the Act’s mandatory pre-litigation mediation provision. Additionally, with more than five crore pending cases and the judiciary having less than one-half of the international judge-to-population ratio, both the Mediation Act’s purpose and implementation will have significant ramifications with respect to the constitutional protections provided for in Articles 14 and 21.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Nadja Alexander, International and Comparative Mediation: Legal Perspectives (2009)

In her article, Alexander explores the different legal and regulatory frameworks related to mediation throughout the European Union, the United States and Singapore, including considerations of confidentiality, enforceability and how mediators are regulated in each jurisdiction. [8]She finds that the efficacy of mediation in terms of being able to deliver justice is largely dependent on there being clear statutory provisions and institutional support for mediation, and hence “where there is no legislative support for mediation, the results are inconsistent, and parties lose confidence in the mediation process”.

Alexander’s major conclusion, that jurisdictions with specific mediation statutes as well as professional regulatory bodies achieve better outcomes (i.e., higher levels of settlement) and greater party satisfaction than those jurisdictions without such laws and regulations, is well supported by empirical comparisons between various EU and UNCITRAL legislative materials providing a high degree of credibility and transferability of this information to the context of India. This article provides the benchmark for this study, as India’s Mediation Act (2023), specifically about the Mediation Council of India and the enforceability of mediated settlement agreements, is being evaluated through Alexander’s framework. As such, her framework provides support for the assertion that the institutional design of India’s Mediation Act broadly meets the criteria of international best standards (simultaneously highlighting implementation gaps), resulting in the reduced ability of the Act as a vehicle for access-to-justice.

Sriram Panchu, Mediation Practice and Law (2nd edn, 2015)

Panchu’s treatise is an Indian legal text that serves as the foremost authority on mediation and its practice within the context of laws governing mediation. [9]He discusses the theory behind what mediation is, the procedural process for mediation as governed under the Code of Civil Procedure (CPC), and its relationship and interactions with proceedings within the courts and draws heavily upon the Supreme Court cases as well as Law Commission Reports and International Best Practices.

As it relates to this paper, Panchu’s key finding was that without a statutory framework for mediating cases in India, there has been inconsistent application and implementation of court-annexed mediation, and the resulting low rates of settlement are a direct result of how Section 89 of the CPC imposes a patchwork system of mediation. These findings confirm that there was a pre-existing legal vacuum before the enactment of the Mediation Act, 2023.

Panchu’s work is relevant to Research Question 1 of this paper’s doctrinal analysis on the institutional framework created by the Mediation Act, 2023. The structural deficiencies identified by Panchu for court-annexed mediation serve as the normative baseline from which to evaluate the innovations launched by the Act, especially the Mediation Council and the provisions for enforcement of mediation agreements.

Hazel Genn, Judging Civil Justice (2010)

Genn provides a compelling argument against compulsory Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) from an access-to-justice standpoint – based on a body of data from civil justice surveys in England and Wales.[10]She claims that parties are sometimes coerced into mediating when they should have the right to have their case heard by a Court, particularly when there are issues of unequal negotiating power, such as when one party is not legally represented or is economically dependent on the other party.

Genn shows through her application of empirical and methodological rigour that mandatory mediation programs without adequate safeguards or publicly funded legal assistance usually result in an advantage for the more powerful and sophisticated party. The data she uses is based on both the Official Civil Justice and independent survey statistics, both of which are well-known and have been used in many comparative studies.

Genn’s research forms an essential component of the current paper’s critical analysis of the mandatory mediation requirement before litigation under Section 5 of the Act (Research Question 2). Genn’s framework provides the empirical and theoretical basis for assessing whether the mandatory mediation experience in India may mirror some of the access to justice issues that she identifies in England and Wales.

Sanjay T R, ‘Mandatory Pre-litigation Mediation: Boon or Bane?’ (2023)

Sanjay T R offer the most up-to-date analysis of the Mediation Act, 2023, in terms of contemporary Indian scholarship. He focuses on the mandatory pre-litigation mediation provision of the new act and uses a range of sources from the historical experience in implementing Section 12A of the Commercial Courts Act, 2015, including Parliamentary Debates, Statement of Objects and Reasons for the Mediation Act, and a comparative assessment of the Mediation Act with the Commercial Courts Act, 2015 record.[11]

Sanjay T R conclude that the history of BPL litigants under the Mediation Act and the Commercial Courts Act demonstrates that both acts have lacked adequate legislative guidance for the recognition of free legal aid-supported mediation, and that the Section 12A implementation experience further exemplifies a lack of willingness to fund additional infrastructure necessary for the expansion of mandatory mediation programmes with their supporting infrastructure. Both findings are attained through the analysis of official legislative proceedings (Parliamentary Proceedings) and government reports. Thus, his methodology has been demonstrated to be very robust, and their conclusions are sufficiently credible.

The research and conclusions offer the best contribution to Research Question 2 and Research Question 4 of this paper. In addition, Sanjay T R’s Identification of an access to justice gap for BPL litigants and the working relationship between the Mediation Act and the Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987, present the most important and pressing subject matter for consideration within the framework of Reform Recommendations made by this paper.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The objective of this article is to explore four important research questions, all of the Mediation Act of 2023

  1. Is the institutional framework established by the Mediation Act of 2023 coherent and inclusive, thereby promoting access to justice in India?
  2. Does the Mediation Act of 2023 limit or expand access to justice for vulnerable groups in society by requiring pre-litigation mediation for all cases?
  3. How does the Mediation Act of 2023 provide for the enforcement of mediation settlement agreements and support India’s alignment with international standards for mediation?
  4. What legislative and policy changes need to be made to fully implement the access to justice potential of the Mediation Act of 2023?
  1. Research Methodology

A doctrinal research approach is taken in this paper by means of thorough research of primary legal texts, which include the Mediation Act of 2023, the Code of Civil Procedure (1908), the Commercial Courts Act (2015), and decisions or case law issued by the Supreme and High Courts, as well as secondary material, including Law Commission Reports, debates from Parliament, journal articles and plans for future reform from a global perspective; for example, the Singapore Convention on Mediation and the Mediation Directive by the European Union.

 

 The use of a doctrinal approach is fitting because this paper will be focusing on an analysis, interpretation and critique of the statutory provisions and their effect on the constitutional right of access to justice and not on data collection using empirical methods as would be the case with a purely empirical approach. By providing other countries’ experiences as a way to measure against the established law in India, a better understanding of the Nigerian structure’s normative limitations is provided, and possible paths for reform are identified. There are no surveys or interviews involved in this case study.

 

 

 

  1. MAIN BODY
  1. Pre-Legislative Landscape: The Inadequacy of Existing Frameworks

Before the Mediation Act of 2023, mediation in India worked within a fragmented legal framework. Under section 89 of the CPC (Civil Procedure Code) (Amendment) Act of 1999, courts were able to refer parties to mediation, among other forms of alternative dispute resolution (ADR). However, the Supreme Court of India in Afcons Infrastructure Ltd v. Cherian Varkey Construction Co. provided clarity on the very limited scope of section 89, and its limitations due to a lack of enforcement mechanisms, no standards for mediators and no centralised body to oversee mediators’ activities. [12]

 

The introduction of compulsory pre-institution mediation on specified commercial disputes through the Commercial Courts Act of 2015 (section 12A of the Act)[13] provided a further step toward the passage of the new Mediation Act. However, the Commercial Courts Act only provided a means for compulsory pre-institution mediation on specified types of commercial disputes, thereby failing to address the deficiencies in the area of mediation. Likewise, although there were no uniform standards for mediation or quality of mediators, there was also little to no compliance with the act and minimal distribution of mediation services outside of major metropolitan areas. [14] In contrast, the purpose of the 2023 act is to rectify the deficiencies described above and provide a single framework with universal application that encompasses both civil and commercial disputes.

Structure and Key Provisions of the Mediation Act, 2023

The Mediation Act, 2023, comprises 64 sections in ten chapters. Its core provisions are as follows:

Mandatory Mediation Before Going to Court

 According to Section 5 of the Act, before someone can file a civil or commercial lawsuit, they are required to attempt mediation unless one of the exceptions from Section 6 applies. In particular, the exceptions apply to cases where a party requires urgent relief, mediation will affect parties not present at the mediation session, or there is a limitation period is approaching its expiration. This creates a structure so that there is an incentive to settle disputes before court intervention and to reduce congestion in courts.[15]

Establishment of the Mediation Council of India

The Mediation Council of India has been established as a regulatory authority to oversee the implementation of mediation across India under Chapter VIII of the Act. The Mediation Council will have the authority to recognise mediation service providers and the ability to grade and credential mediators, establish qualification and training standards as outlined in Section 8, and foster a culture of mediation. This marks a significant departure from the previous court-based, ad hoc mediation services model, by establishing an institutional framework similar to the Bar Council of India established for the legal profession.[16]

The enforceability of mediated settlement agreements

Section 20-22 of the act provides that an authenticated mediated settlement agreement is binding and can be enforced directly as a court decree. [17]In the past, mediated settlements had the legal effect of a contract and could only become a court decree if the parties agreed to convert the mediated settlement into a consent decree through additional court proceedings. This result caused additional cost and delay to the mediation process, which negated the benefits of using mediation. The ability to directly enforce a mediated settlement agreement as a court decree will greatly enhance the value of mediation in the eyes of ordinary litigants.

Online Mediation and Community Mediation

Until now, mediation was believed to have reached its limit with face-to-face mediation; therefore, Section 30 of the act expressly provides for legally effective online mediation conducted via electronic means, allowing India to participate in the worldwide movement toward online dispute resolution (ODR).[18] In addition, the act also provides for community mediation in disputes that could potentially affect the peace, harmony, and tranquillity of a community, allowing a social justice component to develop as part of the statutory framework.

International Mediation & The Singapore Convention

The Act provides a framework for International Mediation through Statute. This is the domestic legislation of how the Singapore Convention will apply in India, where India is one of its Signatories. As such, the Act provides clarity and certainty to aid the recognition and enforcement of mediated settlement agreements across borders by establishing a streamlined process to do so. [19]The alignment of these provisions with those of the Singapore Convention is key to India achieving its strategic goal to establish itself as an International Commercial Dispute Resolution hub.

Findings and Analysis: Answers to the Research Questions

The following sub-sections present the analytical findings of this study, organised around each of the four research questions.

 

Research Question 1: Does the Act create a coherent and inclusive institutional framework that advances access to justice?

Finding: The new legislation provides a number of structural options for mediations, although some have yet to be fully developed or included in ordinary mediation processes.

The new Mediator Council of India is the primary result of the Act’s provisions. The Mediator Council has been created by the Indian legislature to establish a new infrastructure for the resolution of disputes via mediation. The intention is for the Mediator Council to provide formal recognition (i.e., licensure) of mediators and mediation providers, credential mediators, and to set standardisation in practice for mediators in the mediation field. The establishment of the Mediator Council serves to indicate that the Indian legislature intends mediation to be recognised as a professional, organised, and regulated process of resolution of disputes, as opposed to being viewed as a random, disorganized and informal method of resolution of disputes, as may be done traditionally through the courts.[20]

Although the Mediator Council Framework can be considered as including all potential users, the inclusiveness of that Framework is materially limited. As previously stated, there is no statutory requirement in Mediator Act for phased geographical expansion of mediation centres, likely to be critically important given that the pre-institution mandatory mediation in accordance with Section 12A of the Commercial Courts Act, 2015, has a history of failure in implementation and was not available in most cities until years after the passage of the legislation creating that option. While the Mediation Act provides a much broader basis for mandatory mediation as well, there is no statutory requirement for the infrastructure necessary to provide for the implementation of mandatory mediation in smaller cities and rural areas.[21]

The Mediation Act’s promise cannot be fully realised without sufficient qualified mediators across the country. To provide legal access to mediation for litigants in India, tens of thousands of qualified and credentialed Mediators will need to be identified, trained, credentialed, and deployed, and there is currently a lack of qualified Mediators who can meet these criteria. While the Mediator Council can create training and credentialing programs to try and fill that gap on a regional basis under the Act, there are no provisions within the Act for a time frame or any funding to enable this effort to commence. Without some level of mandate, the organisation’s structural framework would be in a coherent state on paper, but incoherent in terms of reality; thus, the organisation would never achieve its purpose.

Research Question 2: Does the mandatory pre-litigation mediation requirement enhance or restrict access to justice for vulnerable sections?

Finding: The requirement has dual and contradictory effects — promising for court decongestion but potentially exclusionary for vulnerable litigants.

Many practitioners have viewed the legislation’s provision for pre-litigation mediation as the most innovative but also the most hotly debated aspect of this legislation. This section was intended to allow the resolution of disputes without the need to resort to a court system that is overwhelmed with litigation (over five crore cases waiting in line), by facilitating agreements that are made before litigation is commenced between the parties in dispute. Chief Justice D Y Chandrachud, Supreme Court of India, notes that, in his opinion, mediation provides litigants with a “street corner” access to justice (National Mediation Day).[22]

An example of how the lack of an appropriate procedural safeguard at mandatory mediation can result in a denial of justice (when one litigant is at a structural disadvantage) comes from Genn’s empirical study on the operation of mandatory ADR. In that respect, all civil litigants in India are clearly impacted by structural disparities resulting from the socio-economic positions of the parties within their respective civil litigious proceedings, therefore, for instance, if there are a shortage of financial resources available to pay for a professional, highly qualified mediator to conduct a mediation pursuant to the section 8 mediator qualification framework, this will result in a two-tiered mediation system (where there are good quality mediators for parties with substantial resources, but poor quality mediators for ordinary average people involved with civil litigation).[23]

Not allowing free or subsidised mediation for marginalised litigants means this legislation is not progressive and provides no examples. The Legal Services Authorities Act 1987 created a framework to provide legal assistance, but its relationship with the Mandatory Mediation provision in the 2023 Act remains unclear. [24]Sanjay T. R. noted that this flaw is the most significant impediment to providing access to Justice as designed by the legislation. Marginalised litigants will remain in Mediation Limbo until they can afford the cost of a private mediator, whereupon the Court will enter the Proceedings if the law requires them to have mediations before bringing a civil action against a responsible person or entity.

The relationship between the statute’s gender equality exception found in section 6 and issues surrounding domestic violence, sexual harassment, etc., will also present a significant issue for women accessing justice through this act. [25]The Supreme Court Case National Legal Services Authority v Union of India reaffirmed that the State has a responsibility to protect marginalised groups throughout the Justice process. The legislation does not adequately protect all marginalised groups’ access to services under this Act, and does not contain any additional exclusions specific to allowing marginalised women’s access.[26]

Under the provisions found in Section 29 of the Act relating to online mediation, all parties, including those living in rural and semi-rural areas, will have an equal opportunity to achieve justice via online dispute resolution (ODR), just as metropolitan litigants do. Additionally, the integration of ODR with the legal aid provisions included in the Legal Aid Act of 1987 will also create a theoretical opportunity for all parties that have access to any form of electronic device to use ODR to resolve their disputes; thus, providing them with an equal opportunity to have success in relation to their actual situation.

Research Question 3: How does the Act address the enforceability of mediated settlement agreements and align India with international standards?

Finding: The Act introduces transformative enforceability provisions and creates the legislative platform for alignment with the Singapore Convention.

Sections 20–22 set out the regime for the enforceability of mediated settlement agreements, that is, the Act’s clearest positive contribution to dispute resolution in India. Basically, by awarding the same legal status as a court-decreed settlement, the Act does away with the expensive and lengthy process of obtaining a consent decree after a mediated settlement has been reached – a particularly vexing issue for parties with limited resources.

Before this new legislation was introduced, mediated settlement agreements had all of the characteristics of a contract and could only be enforced through new civil proceedings for breach or the consent decree process. The new regime, therefore, provides a separate, complete and independent mechanism for the enforcement of a mediated agreement. The comparative analysis by Alexander confirms that the direct enforcement of mediated agreements is the hallmark of mature mediation frameworks around the world, and thus brings India on par with the European Union’s Mediation Directive and Singapore’s mediation legislation in this area.[27]

India intends to become a leader in global commercial mediation by establishing a national law to allow for the enforcement of mediated settlement agreements under the Singapore Convention, as established by the Mediation Act, 2023. The Act has the same effect as the New York Convention does for arbitral awards in that it treats mediated settlement agreements as final and binding, enforceable as court decrees, allowing India to be positioned as a leader in the field. In addition to setting out a framework for the enforcement of mediated settlement agreements, adherence to the international standards created by the Act provides further evidence of India’s potential to become an international business hub, as mediation has an increasing role in the development of India’s dispute resolution system at the international level.

Research Question 4: What legislative and policy reforms are necessary to realise the Act’s access-to-justice potential?

Finding: Targeted reforms are needed to ensure equal access to justice results from implementation of the Act’s legislative intent.

The Mediation Act 2023 was demonstrated in the first four sections as a necessary condition for expanding access-to-justice in India, but insufficient in its own right. Therefore, the legislation must be amended in five areas.

The Mediation Council of India must establish mediation centres at the taluka level on a prescriptive timetable and provide funding to support this effort, with the available services prioritising those that have previously been underserved in India, and we do not want the unintended consequence of not having Section 12A of the Commercial Court Act of 2015 going unfulfilled again in this regard.

The Mediation Council of India will establish mediation centres in the taluka as per the request. The appropriate statutes for creating these centres will have to be placed within an appropriate time frame. Priority funding will be given first to the areas/districts with no services to establish mediation centres and to create mediation centres. Section 12A of the Commercial Courts Act, 2015, will be implemented only on a smaller scale than before, so that conditions do not exist again for not being able to build these centres.

Mediation is a compulsory part of the curriculum of all law school training programs, as well as the training programs of judicial and civil service professionals. A structural change to the training of mediators is essential if there is going to be an appropriate number of trained mediators and an appropriate cultural environment for trained mediators to work in, in the context of the judicial system within some countries.

Fourthly, Section 6 contains examples where exceptions will apply; however, those exceptions need to be clarified by means of an appropriate piece of legislation or subordinate regulation, so any issues arising from domestic violence; child custody; sexual harassment; and inequalities between employers and employees must be excluded from being eligible for compulsory mediation before litigation unless the party who has been abused (i.e., the vulnerable party) has knowingly given their written consent to do so after being made fully aware of the nature involved in doing so. In addition to the state’s constitutional responsibilities under Article 14, Article 21, and Article 39A, the order made by the Supreme Court in NALSA further supports the necessity for this to be addressed by legislation or regulation, too.

The accession of India to the Singapore Convention on Mediation should be accelerated so that India will have a greater commitment to international standards, facilitate the growth of cross-border business and elevate its status as a centre for dispute resolution.

VII. Conclusion and Suggestions

The enactment of the Mediation Act 2023 is an outstanding example of a positive change to the laws on mediation in India. The structure and function of the Mediation Council of India, the ability to enforce settlement agreements reached through mediation through court orders, recognition of online mediation, and the establishment of an alignment with the Singapore Convention provide a comprehensive set of laws which had been long overdue for our country and are well in line with international standards as established by Alexander.

Nevertheless, there is no assurance that the Mediation Act will increase access to justice through mediation. Although the requirement for parties to attempt mediation before they commence litigation is generally helpful, this requirement can be difficult for parties who are economically disadvantaged because there are no provisions within the Mediation Act for free legal representation during mediation, an extensive geographical infrastructure to support parties seeking mediation, and there are no requirements within the Mediation Act to provide for a sufficient supply of trained, certified, and low-cost mediators to support parties seeking mediation, all of which are addressed in a very vague manner in the current text of the legislation. Thus, the long-term success of the Mediation Act will depend on implementation rather than on what is written in the law.

Here are various possibilities for maximising access to justice through the Act:

 

  1. Parliament should amend the Act to establish free mediation for parties entitled to legal aid under the Legal Services Authorities Act 1987, and to provide the appropriate funding and statutory framework for the two acts to work together.
  2. The Mediation Council should create mediation centres at the taluka level within five years, with a phased approach based upon the most disadvantaged districts.
  3. Meditation should be made a compulsory component in all law degrees and judicial education programs to ensure that long-term skills and culture are created in mediation practice and process
  4. Exceptions under section 6 should be clarified to include that domestic violence, custody of children, and a power imbalance between an employer and an employee will not require a party to undertake pre-litigation mediation unless the weaker party actively consents.
  5. India should accede to the Singapore Convention without delay to demonstrate its commitment to assist in international commercial mediation and encourage international businesses to resolve cross-border disputes through mediation in India.

In summary, the Mediation Act of 2023 creates a pathway to access justice. The responsibility lies with the Government to make sure that any individual can access justice, no matter how poor or rich, where they live or how vulnerable they are.

 

[1] Anita Kushwaha v. Pushap Sudan, (2016) 8 S.C.C. 509.

[2] “Over 5.19 Cr Cases Pending in Indian Courts; Govt Implements Fast-Track Courts to Address Backlog”, News On AIR (Feb. 6, 2025), https://www.newsonair.gov.in/over-5-19-cr-cases-pending-in-indian-courts-govt-implements-fast-track-courts-to-address-backlog/.

[3] The Mediation Act, 2023, No. 32, Acts of Parliament, 2023 (India), https://legalaffairs.gov.in/sites/default/files/MediationAct2023.pdf.

[4] Rep. of the U.N. Comm’n on Int’l Trade La, 51st Sess., U.N. GAOR, 73d Sess., Supp. No. 17, U.N. Doc. A/73/17 (2018).

[5] Law Comm’n of India, Report No. 129 on “Urban Litigation: Mediation as Alternative to Adjudication” (1988).

[6] Salem Advocate Bar Ass’n v. Union of India, (2005) 6 SCC 344.

[7] Afcons Infrastructure Ltd. v. Cherian Varkey Constr. Co., (2010) 8 SCC 24.

[8] Nadja Marie Alexander, “International and Comparative Mediation: Legal Perspectives” (2009).

[9] Sriram Panchu, “Mediation Practice and Law: The Path to Successful Dispute Resolution” (2d ed. 2015).

[10] Hazel Genn, “Judging Civil Justice” (2010).

[11] Sanjay T R, “A Study on Mandatory Pre-Litigation Mediation Under the Mediation Act, 2023: Boon or Burden”, 6 INT’L J. RSCH. PUBL’N & REVIEWS 4595 (2025).

[12] Afcons Infrastructure Ltd., supra note 7.

[13] The Commercial Courts Act, 1949, § 12A, No. 4, Acts of Parliament, 2016 (India).

[14] Patil Automation Pvt. Ltd. v. Rakheja Eng’rs Pvt. Ltd., (2022) 10 S.C.C. 1 (India).

[15] The Mediation Act, 2023, § 5–6, No. 32, Acts of Parliament, 2023 (India).

[16] The Mediation Act, 2023, § 8, No. 32, Acts of Parliament, 2023 (India).

[17] The Mediation Act, 2023, § 20–22, No. 32, Acts of Parliament, 2023 (India).

[18] The Mediation Act, 2023, ch. 7, § 30, No. 32, Acts of Parliament, 2023 (India).

[19] The Mediation Act, 2023, § 3(g), 27, No. 32, Acts of Parliament, 2023 (India).

[20] Abhijit Tarkunde, “Mediation Act 2023: A Paradigm Shift in Dispute Resolution”, 5 Indian Arb. L. Rev. 12, 17 (2023).

[21] The Mediation Act, 2023, § 5, No. 32, Acts of Parliament, 2023 (India).

[22] “CJI Chandrachud Bats for Mediation as Dispute Resolution Mechanism for Individuals, Govt”, ET LegalWorld (Apr. 14, 2023, 10:48 PM), https://legal.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/industry/cji-chandrachud-bats-for-mediation-as-dispute-resolution-mechanism-for-individuals-govt/99502567.

[23] Hazel Genn et al., “Twisting Arms: Court Referred and Court Linked Mediation Under Judicial Pressure” (Ministry of Justice Research Series 1/07, 2007).

[24] Samina Nahid Baig, “A Critical Analysis Of The Mediation Act, 2023”, 13 Int’l J. Creative Res. Thoughts (2025).

[25] The Mediation Act, 2023, § 6, No. 32, Acts of Parliament, 2023 (India).

[26] Nat’l Legal Servs. Auth. v. Union of India (2014) 5 SCC 438.

[27] Alexander, supra note 8.

3d logo journal

“Rethinking Justice: Why Capital Punishment Should No Longer Be the Answer”

AUTHOR:-Prof.(Dr.) Nuzhat Parveen Khan, 
Presently Professor and Former Dean, Faculty of Law,
Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi,
Former Chairperson, ICC. Jamia UNIVERSITY,
Former Dean School of Law,
Bennett University, The Times of India Group.

Is executing a person truly the best form of punishment to give justice? Does it genuinely set an example in the eyes of criminals? if it does not then why does it still continue to exist within modern legal systems?

A vicious crime that has demoralised society is often met with an impulsive response demanding the stringent possible punishment. Many people are driven by sorrow, anger and a burning urge to see justice done because of which the demand of death penalty rises. The agony of victims’ families is inexpressible and the desire to see the perpetrator punished severely becomes natural. Yet, in such moments, a deeper question arises: does taking another life deliver justice or does it will merely repeat the same cycle of violence in a different form?

A vicious crime that has shook the society can usually be met with the instinctive response that demands the extent of punishment possible. Many people are driven by grief, anger and a burning urge to have justice done which causes them to demand death penalty. The agony of the families of the victims is inexplicable, and the desire to have the perpetrator punished harshly is quite normal.

But when such a situation happens, a big question arises, will the killing of a person give justice or will it be a repetition of the violence in a different form? Capital punishment is an old concept which has been justified using various conventional theories of punishment. The retributive theory is one of the most effective justifications that states that punishment ought to be proportional to the moral seriousness of the offense. In this view, the criminal offenders of serious crimes should receive the equivalent punishment as justice is to restore the moral equilibrium.[1] This is the logic many people who champion the death penalty would use, that a person who claims to have taken another person should lose theirs.

The deterrence theory is another theory that is often referred to. According to this theory, the future crimes are deterred by harsh penalties which incur fear of punishment.[2]The argument claims that knowledgeable potential criminals might shudder in front of committing the crimes in case murder can be punishable by death. Historically, philosophers such as Jeremy Bentham and Cesare Beccaria examined how punishment could influence human behaviour through deterrence and rational calculation.[3]

The third rationale revolves around the aspect of incapacitation which is aimed at securing the society by shutting down dangerous criminals in society. In this sense, capital punishment is a sure way of making sure that one who had perpetrated a crime of high degree of violence will never be able to commit another crime against another person.

Although these theories might sound convincing on paper, the facts of the capital punishment bring serious legal and moral issues. Another problem that is most disturbing is the risk of false convictions. The criminal justice systems do not work perfectly. Wrongful convictions have been recorded in various jurisdictions due to investigative errors, false confessions, unreliable eyewitness testimony and also poor legal representation. In cases where the punishment is imprisonment, there are instances where the mistakes can be rectified. But where death is the penalty the wrong can never be made right. The danger of executing at least one innocent individual suffices to call in question the moral rightfulness of death penalty.

The other issue is unequivocal and inconsistent use of the capital punishment. Research and legal publications have demonstrated that people with low economic status usually do not have access to quality and competent legal representation. As a result, the outcome of a trial may sometimes depend not only on the facts of the case but also on the resources available to the accused.[4]

In India, the law attempts to limit the use of capital punishment through the “rarest of rare” doctrine, developed by the Supreme Court in Bachan Singh v. State of Punjab.[5]Under this principle, death penalty ought to be applied to the most extraordinary situations in which the life imprisonment will not suffice. The Code of Criminal Procedure (now replaced by the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita) required that judges prescribing death penalty must give special reasons.[6] The Court further required a balancing of aggravating and mitigating circumstances. Later, the Court in Machhi Singh v. State of Punjab[7]expounded the doctrine, listing the kinds of cases that could qualify: the mode of commission of murder, the motive, the anti-social or socially abhorrent character of the crime, the scale of the crime, the personality of the victim. attempted to further clarify this doctrine by identifying certain categories of cases that might justify capital punishment.

However, the promise of principled sentencing has not materialised. Empirical research has consistently demonstrated that the “rarest of rare” doctrine is applied arbitrarily, varying not with the objective features of the crime but with the subjective philosophy of individual judges. The doctrine has not always been applied uniformly in spite of these judicial protections. What is considered the “rarest of the rare” is subject to interpretation by different courts; hence making sentencing unpredictable. There are instances of similar cases giving different punishments depending on how the cases are interpreted by the courts. Such inconsistency shows the fact that it is not so easy to administer the death penalty in a fair and equal way. The other reason that has been widely used to justify capital punishment is its deterring effect. Nevertheless, the empirical studies have yielded ambivalent and inconclusive outcomes.

The most extensive empirical study of the death penalty sentencing in India has been carried out by Project 39A of National Law University, Delhi.Their research tells a very grim tale: trial courts imposing death sentences in cases that are overwhelmingly found by the appellate courts to fall short of the “rarest of rare” standard. The acquittal rate is high, almost one in every three death row inmates is ultimately exonerated, exposing the chilling prospect of executing the wrong person.[8]

This arbitrariness further extends to the process of sentencing. Between 2018-2020, 36 percent of death sentences were imposed on the same day as conviction, without the separate sentencing hearing required under Section 235(2) of the CrPC[9]. The trial court did not even mention mitigating circumstances in 40 percent of cases.[10] The procedural protection which the Bachan Singh majority hoped would near-eliminate arbitrariness has proven to be absolutely ineffective. Even the Supreme Court has admitted the ineffectiveness of the Bachan Singh framework. In Manoj v. State of Madhya Pradesh[11], the Court observed that the protection in Section 235(2) had been rendered ineffective without guidelines or framework. Dissenting in Chhannu Lal Verma v. State of Chhattisgarh[12], Justice Kurian Joseph remarked that death sentence remains “arbitrarily and freakishly imposed”.

The analysis of capital punishment cannot be limited to the time of sentencing or execution. The interval in between–which may be years or decades long–punishes in its own way. This was recognised by the Supreme Court in Shatrughan Chauhan v. Union of India[13] where it was decided that “undue delay in execution constitutes torture and provides grounds for commutation.” But the issue is not solely that of delay, but rather that of the cruelty of prolonged imprisonment facing a death sentence.Project 39A research has documented an enormous mental health crisis within death row prisoners: 62.2% inmates are mentally ill and 11% intellectually disabled.[14] All these factors are exacerbated by solitary confinement, social isolation, absence of meaningful activity, and the eternal psychological torture of living in anticipation of execution.

Many scholars argue that there is little convincing evidence that the death penalty is more effective in preventing crime than long-term imprisonment.[15]Violent crimes are very common in the situations of high emotions, desperation or psychological disturbances. When faced with this kind of situation, people never take time to consider the legal implications of their actions. The value of human dignity is another more important ethical issue beyond the legal argument and the statistical debate. Even modern constitutional regimes are recognizing the fact that all human beings have an inborn dignity. When the state treats the wrong of killing in the state as the worst evil, the next thing is, can the state also treat the same evil with equal power?

Even the present means of execution, hanging by the neck until it died under Section 354(5) of the CrPC[16], has been criticized as cruel and unusual. In the pending Public Interest Litigation, Rishi Malhotra v. Union of India[17], the petitioner claims that hanging results in protracted pain and suffering and in some cases the body may take forty minutes before death is pronounced.In January 2026, the Attorney General notified the Court that the matter is under review at the highest level.[18] But this recognition of the inhumanity of hanging only points out a still greater fact: that there is no human way of executing a criminal. The pursuit of a painless form of death penalty be it through lethal injection or electrocution or gas chamber is a chimera. Lethal injection has also been repeatedly botched in the United States, with prisoners suffering extended agony before dying.[19]

There has been a change in attitudes towards capital punishment across the globe. A growing number of countries have abolished the death penalty, reflecting an evolving understanding of justice that emphasizes restraint, human rights, and the possibility of reform.[20]The international organizations and the human rights groups have repeatedly urged states to rethink the use of capital punishment. Notably, to oppose the death penalty does not imply one should not feel the pain of the sufferings of the victim or underestimate the severity of violence. Rather, it needs to seek other ways of punishing without violating human dignity.

An option available is the life imprisonment without the chance of being put on the parole on the most serious offences. This penalty permanently isolates the violent criminals out of the society without the irreparable results of execution. It guarantees the safety of the population, and does not provide the state with the authority to claim the life.

Restorative justice is another potential strategy that aims at recognizing the damage, assisting the victims, and holding offenders accountable. Restorative processes are concerned with dialogue, acknowledging suffering and developing social relations when feasible. Although restorative justice may not enliven the damages of the grave crimes, it provides a more human and positive way of dealing with the effects of the crimes. Moreover, criminal justice systems are to pay more attention to rehabilitation and reform. The state also has to deal with the underlying causes of violent crime. Poverty, inequality, lack of mental health care, and a dysfunctional criminal justice system are all factors that contribute to the circumstances under which serious crimes are committed. Understanding these causes will help to create safer communities; by educating, counselling and providing social support the chances of recidivism will be minimized. A genuinely reformative strategy would put resources in these areas and not waste them in a punishment that has not been shown to serve any social useful purpose.

Finally, the capital punishment debate is not merely about punishment we should rather discuss the values that our concept of justice is based upon. A justice system is supposed to defend the society, bring criminals to justice and respect human life. The real power of a legal system is not its power to punish the most but to be able to react to transgression with justice, wisdom and humanity. A rejection of the death penalty will not undermine justice, quite the opposite, it is an expression of the promise of a more human and considerate vision of law.

In answering the question we began with, it becomes evident that execution is neither the best form of justice nor a demonstrably reliable example that deters crime. Its continued existence rests less on empirical evidence and fairness than on tradition and retribution. A justice system must condemn violence and rise above it. By embracing alternatives such as life imprisonment without parole, restorative practices and rehabilitative reforms, the law can safeguard society without degrading human dignity. Ultimately, true justice lies not in taking life but in preserving it while ensuring accountability, fairness, and humanity.

 

[1]H.L.A. Hart, Punishment and Responsibility: Essays in the Philosophy of Law (2nd edn., Oxford University Press, 2008).

[2]Andrew von Hirsch, Doing Justice: The Choice of Punishments (Hill and Wang, New York, 1976).

[3]Jeremy Bentham, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (Oxford University Press, 1907); Cesare Beccaria, On Crimes and Punishments (Hackett Publishing, 1986).

[4]National Law University Delhi – Project 39A, Death Penalty India Report (2016).

[5]Bachan Singh v. State of Punjab, (1980) 2 SCC 684 (Supreme Court of India).

[6] The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, s. 393 (3).

[7](1983) 3 SCC 470.

[8] Project 39A, National Law University, Delhi, Death Penalty India Report (Centre on the Death Penalty, National Law University, Delhi Press, New Delhi, 2016).

[9] Project 39A, National Law University, Delhi, Death Penalty Sentencing in Trial Courts (2022).

[10]Ibid.

[11](2022) SCC OnLine SC 1015.

[12](2018) SCC OnLine SC 2631

[13] (2014) 3 SCC 1.

[14]Project 39A, National Law University, Delhi, Deathworthy: A Mental Health Perspective of the Death Penalty (2021).

[15]Roger Hood and Carolyn Hoyle, The Death Penalty: A Worldwide Perspective (5th edn., Oxford University Press, 2015).

[16] Now Section 393 (5) of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023.

[17]W.P.(Crl.) No. 145/2017

[18]Ibid.

[19]Id (submissions of Senior Advocate Meenakshi Arora for Project 39 A).

[20]Amnesty International, Death Sentences and Executions 2023 (Amnesty International Global Report, 2024); United Nations General Assembly, Moratorium on the Use of the Death Penalty, UNGA Resolution A/RES/77/222 (2022).

untitled

“1st National Online Judgement Writing Competition-2026”

Jointly Organized By :-

 “Law Audience Journal and Joint Jurist Journal”

untitled

Law Audience Journal

Law Audience Journal

” CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE  PROPOSITION “

” CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE OFFICIAL NOTIFICATION “

ABOUT COMPETITION:

In an era where rapid technological advancements and evolving societal shifts consistently challenge the traditional foundations of law, the ability to think clearly, reason deeply, and write judiciously has never been more essential. Contemporary courts do more than merely adjudicate commercial and technical disputes—they actively preserve public trust, safeguard constitutional values, and translate complex legal anomalies into accessible justice.At the heart of this transformative process lies the judgment: a definitive document that reflects not only rigorous legal acumen, but also structural fairness, flawless logic, and a profound awareness of societal impact.The Online National Judgment Writing Competition, 2026, jointly organized by Law Audience Journal and Joint Jurist Journal, is conceived to identify and nurture these precise judicial skills among the next generation of legal minds. This competition challenges participants to step into the shoes of a judicial officer, analyze complex multi-layered facts, separate substance from rhetoric, and balance conflicting equity parameters to deliver a reasoned, legally sound masterwork.

ABOUT LAW AUDIENCE®:

 Law Audience® is an online legal platform and a registered trademark under class 41 which is aimed at spreading the online legal education and other opportunities related to the field of law among the legal audience as much as possible. It was introduced on the 25th of June 2018. It is an independent project, started by its founder and does not receive any funding from any person or organisation or body or government as the case maybe. It is a ‘Dream Project’ of Mr. Varun Kumar (Founder-CEO-Publishing Editor-Publisher & Owner). It is a Sole Proprietorship of Mr. Varun Kumar, S/o Shri. Lehri Singh Jaswal, S/o Late Shri. Parmeshwari Dass.

ABOUT JOINT JURIST:

 Joint Jurist Journal (JJJ) is an online legal platform and a national publication which is aimed at spreading online legal education, bridging the gap between academic research and litigation expertise among the legal audience. It was introduced in early 2026. It is an independent project, started by its founder and does not receive any funding from any person or organisation or body or government as the case maybe. It is a ‘Dream Project’ of Mr. Suraj Shandil (Founder-CEO-Editor-in-Chief & Owner). It is a Sole Proprietorship of Mr. Suraj Shandil, Advocate, High Court of Himachal Pradesh.We operate on a Double-Blind Peer-Review model, ensuring that every published work meets the highest standards of original scholarship, zero plagiarism, and academic integrity. Our platform is dedicated to providing an open-access environment for legal professionals, scholars, and students to contribute to the evolving legal discourse.

ABOUT VARUN KUMAR:

Mr. Varun Kumar is the Founder-CEO-Publishing Editor-Publisher & Owner, Law Audience Journal (e-ISSN: 2581-6705).He has pursued his five-years’ integrated law graduation, i.e., (B.A.LL.B (Hons)), from Himcapes’ College of Law (Badhera), District. Una, Himachal Pradesh, India, (affiliated to Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, India), with “First Class With Distinction”. He did his schooling at National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS), i.e., Secondary & Senior Secondary Education. He has also done one year diploma in “Computer Applications”. Currently he is pursuing LL.M in Corporate & Commercial Laws, from University Institute of Legal Studies, Chandigarh University.

ABOUT SURAJ SHANDIL:

Advocate Suraj Shandil is a highly motivated and dynamic first-generation legal professional actively practicing before the High Court of Himachal Pradesh and the District Courts at Shimla. As a registered member of the Himachal Pradesh High Court Bar Association, he specializes in contemporary legal domains including Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), Cyber Law, and the Commercial Courts Act. Academically accomplished, he holds a B.A. LL.B. degree from Himachal Pradesh University (HPU) and an LL.M. in IPR from Chandigarh University. Merging his litigation expertise with legal scholarship, he is the visionary Founder, CEO, and Editor-in-Chief of the Joint Jurist Journal, a digital platform dedicated to bridging the critical gap between academic research and practical courtroom jurisprudence. Driven by professional integrity, he maintains high academic standards through strict anti-plagiarism and double-blind peer-review policies, while actively mentoring the next generation of law students and researchers.

ELIGIBILITY:

1)It Shall Be an Online event.

2)At Present Students/Participants Must Be Pursuing 3-years’ LL.B Course or 5-years’ LL.B Course such as B.A.LL.B, B.Com.LL.B and B.B.A.LL.B etc. or 6-years LL.B Course or pursuing LL.M

3)In One Team, Not More Than 2 Participants Are Allowed. But, However, Participants May Seek Individual Or Single Participation.

4)In One Team, Participants From Different & Same Universities Or Schools Or Colleges Are Allowed.

5)Students are required to upload their ID cards on the registration form such as library card, identity card or any ID issued by your college/university, if not issued then submit a letter from your department’s head stating that you’re a student at their college/university.

6)Any Law College or Law University can send any number of entries. There is no restriction on the number of entries from any college or university.

REGISTRATION PROCESS:

1.) The Registration Fee is 799 RS for an Individual/Single Registration & 1000 RS for a Team Registration.

2.) Mode of Payment:

i)Scan QR Code.

3.) The participants must submit the duly filled Registration Form via Google Form after paying the registration fee(s) and attach the screenshot of the payment while filling up the Registration Form.

4.) An acknowledgement will be auto generated after filling up the Registration Form. You’ll receive a copy of your duly filled Registration Form. Check your email inbox including the Spam Folder. Link to join the WhatsApp Group of the event will also be generated. 

5) Registration Fees is not refundable. It is refundable only if the event is cancelled by the organizers.

REGISTRATION FORM LINK:

https://forms.gle/RJpRFCt4Yn9psQgr6.

FORMAT OF THE JUDGMENT:

1.) A cover page stating the name of the competition, the name of your Institution and the names of student authors.

  1. The Judgment shall begin on the next page. The first page of Judgment must contain Team Code, Name of the Court, Title, Number of the Case, Date of Delivery of Judgment, Nature of the Case(s) (Civil/Criminal/Writ).
  2. Admissibility/Maintainability of Petitions/Suits/Appeal.
  3. History and Procedural History of the Petition/Suit/Appeal.
  4. Issues and Points for Determination.
  5. Framing Specific Questions for determination.
  6. Reference to Precedents, Other Sources (both authoritative and persuasive).
  7. Decision on issues framed or points formulated or Decretal /Operative Part.

THE JUDGMENT MAY BE SUBMITTED AS
FOLLOWS:

  1. Word limit – 5000 words (including foot notes)
  2. Format – MSWord
  3. Font – Times New Roman
  4. Font size- 12 for text, 10 for footnotes
  5. Page numbers – bottom center
  6. Line Spacing- 1.5 for text and 1.0 for footnotes
  7. Alignment- Justified
  8. Margin- One inch each side
  9. The citation methodology to be followed is ILI.
  10. All the Judgments must be sent as DOCX file. The title of the file must be

in the following format TEAM CODE.

DECISION:

Decision of the jury shall be final and binding. Decision of the Organizing Committee shall be binding in interpretation of any rules or for any query or otherwise. Details of the Jury members are not disclosed to maintain the confidentiality of the event. No marksheets or softcopies of the winners will be shared with the participants.

EVALUATION CRITERIA:

1.Beginning & Opening of the Judgment: 10

2.Issues and Points for Determination: 20

3.Citing of relevant laws viz. case-law, statutes & opinions of jurists: 20

4.Decision on issue Framed: 20

5.Decretal/Operative Part: 20

6.Presentation, style, clarity, appearance, & over-all impression: 10

ORGANISING COMMITTEE:

Advocate Varun Kumar, Founder-CEO & Owner at Law Audience.

Contact No: 8351033361.

Email: ceo@lawaudience.com.

Website: www.lawaudience.com.

Advocate Suraj Shandil, High Court of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla, Founder & Editor-in-Chief, Joint Jurist Journal.

Contact No: 8350904244.

Webiste: https://jointjuristjournal.com/.

HOW TO SUBMIT:

Submit file of the Judgement in the MS Word File only via a Google Form. If we receive it through any other mode other than the Google Form, then it shall be disqualified. PDF Files are not allowed.

SUBMISSION FORM LINK FOR ESSAY:

https://forms.gle/82PmWa8Cnb6SfhDbA.

PRIZES:

1st PRIZE:

Certificate of Merit + Cash Prize of Rs 1499+ One Free Publication of research paper or article in Law Audience Journal or in Joint Jurist Journal + An unpaid Online Internship opportunity at Law Audience or Joint Jurist Journal + Gift Hampers + One day and one night stay in 4-star property in Shimla + Trophy.

2nd PRIZE:

Certificate of Merit + Cash Prize of Rs 1199 + One Free Publication of research paper or article in Law Audience Journal or in Joint Jurist Journal + One day and one night stay in 4-star property in Shimla + Medals.

3rd PRIZE:

Certificate of Merit + Cash Prize of Rs 499 + One Free Publication of research paper or article in Law Audience Journal or in Joint Jurist Journal.

An electronic copy of the Certificate of Participation will be emailed to all the registered participants after the successful declaration of the official result.

IMPORTANT NOTE:

Only breakfast and dinner included in the stay and you need to bear the other expenses at your own cost and you need to inform us within 5 days after the date of declaration of the result of your arrival in Shimla and if not informed within 5 days, then this prize will be  cancelled and valid for 2 months only from the date of declaration of the Results.

Hard copy of “Certificate of Merit”, will be provided to the 1st and 2nd winner. Publication of articles in the Law Audience Journal or in Joint Jurist Journal will have to sign a Copyright Agreement with the Journal.

IMPORTANT DATES:

EVENTS:

DATES:

Date of Release of Official Notification:

28th May 2026.

Last Date For Registration:

27th June March 2026.

Last Date For Clarifications & Allotment of Team Codes:

30th June 2026.

Last Date For Submission of M.S. Word of the Judgement:

18 July 2026.

Declaration of Result (Offline Event):

22 August 2026.

WHATSAPP GROUP:-

Join WhatsApp Group after filling up the registration form.

AMENDMENTS:

Organizers reserve all rights to make any amendment as to the event and such amendment will be notified to the participants in advance on the registered email ID(s) or in WhatsApp group.

“Be the first to grab early-bird slots for upcoming legal events, webinars, and national-level competitions”.

3d logo journal

“REGULATING SYNTHETIC MEDIA: A CONSTITUTIONAL CRITIQUE OF INDIA’S 2026 INTERMEDIARY RULES”

AUTHOR : Sneha Awasthi 

Abstract

The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2026, are India’s first targeted attempt at grappling with the rise of synthetic digital media.[1] Synthetic videos, audio, and other forms of media are now produced and distributed with unprecedented speed and volume.[2] The Amendment proposes labelling, metadata, and faster response times for takedowns.[3]

This article suggests that, while the 2026 Rules may tackle the symptoms of misinformation, they fail to grapple with the root challenges of artificial intelligence. The approach appears to favour speed over process, and control over content over systemic responsibility. In doing so, it may not meet the Supreme Court’s test for proportionality. The debate in this Part provides an overview of the regulatory environment, describes the salient features of the Amendment, and places the debate in the context of India’s constitutional history.

  1. Introduction: Context and Emergence of Synthetic Media

India is on the cusp of a future where artificial intelligence (AI) is becoming a part of daily life. AI-powered systems are increasingly influencing how we communicate, make decisions, and even shape our opinions.[4] The advent of synthetic media has given this a new twist.[5] A video may be faked, yet look entirely authentic. An audio clip may not be produced by a human voice at all.

If technology can produce such a convincing hoax, how does the law deal with it?[6]

The Central Government has tried to provide an answer to this in the 2026 Amendment Rules under the Information Technology Act, 2000.[7] These Rules broaden the concept of “information” on the internet to also cover synthetic content. They also place new responsibilities on intermediaries. Intermediaries must clearly identify such content, include metadata to enable tracing, and act within short time-frames (as short as three hours) on complaints.[8]

The Court has previously interpreted this to mean that restrictions should not be excessive or unclear.[9] It appears that the 2026 Rules are operating in this space. They seek to regulate harmful content, but do so in a way that shifts a lot of responsibility to private companies. This presents an immediate problem. When intermediaries are required to make quick decisions about what should and shouldn’t be on the internet, are they simply providing services or performing a private regulatory function?[10]

This is not censorship by the State, but privatised censorship.[11]

This is not a new problem. In Shreya Singhal v Union of India[12], the Supreme Court held Section 66A of the IT Act unconstitutional for being vague and open to abuse. Specifically, the Court was worried about the chilling effect on speech.[13] If people do not know what they can or cannot say, they might not say anything. It seems to be an issue again, but in a different context.

A new aspect has emerged recently. There is now a risk of misuse of AI in courtrooms. In Gummadi Usha Rani v. Sure Mallikarjuna Rao (2026), a trial court cited non-existent cases.[14] These “precedents” were created by AI.[15] The Supreme Court considered this to be a grave error and stepped in.[16] The case is still under way, but it demonstrates that the issue is not just confined to social media. It can affect the justice system itself.

This raises a broader concern. If even institutional actors may not recognise synthetic content, can it really be left to the intermediaries to manage it in a matter of hours? Or is it a more complex issue?

  1. The 2026 Amendment: Structure, Design, and Regulatory Scope

The 2026 Amendment builds on the intermediary framework provided in Section 79 of the IT Act.[17] Limited liability remains, but it is now linked to the fulfilment of particular obligations. Intermediaries are required to exercise due diligence in taking down infringing content, and also in labelling synthetic content.

There are three important features of this design.

First, the need for labelling. Content deemed to be artificial must be labelled accordingly.[18] This will assist the viewer in differentiating between authentic and synthetic content. It is based on the idea that disclosure may lessen the impact. If the user knows that the video is fake, they may be less likely to be deceived.

Second, provenance metadata. Companies are required to keep information on content provenance.[19] This is meant to enhance transparency. Theoretically, it makes it easier to trace the origin of offensive content.

Third, the speedy takedowns. This is probably the most controversial. The timeframe may be just hours after the content is identified. In some cases, such as impersonation and intimate images, it could be even less.[20]

All of these measures make sense on their own. But together they have practical and constitutional implications. Hurrying up the process leads to quicker decisions. Inaccurate decisions may result. In uncertain situations, a platform might opt to take down a piece of content to avoid liability.[21]

This is not censorship by the State, but privatised censorship.

The State must demonstrate that the restriction serves a legitimate purpose, is necessary, and not disproportionate.[22] These questions remain open. The Rules offer some guidance, but not a comprehensive approach to decision-making and review.[23] Nor do they address the underlying questions of how content is generated by AI systems.

III. Limits of the 2026 Amendment as an AI Governance Framework

Upon closer inspection, we see that the Amendment focuses primarily on the level of platforms. It controls the presentation, labelling, and deletion of content. It does not regulate, at least in detail,[24] the design and operation of the AI systems that produce such content.

The Rules tackle the symptoms of the problem through content moderation. This strategy might work in the short run, particularly in crises. But it creates a gap in governance.

The European Union has done something different with the AI Act, which classifies AI systems based on risk.[25] These are subject to more stringent measures, such as audits and human oversight.[26] India’s 2026 Rules do not yet take this step. Rather, they uniformly rely on an intermediary model.

This does not necessarily mean that the Indian model is wrong. It is a product of a desire for agility. It might also be driven by the desire to foster innovation while regulating. But the lack of a framework in place raises a question. Will a content-driven approach be sufficient to uphold constitutional values in an AI world?

This question is not clear. It depends on how the law develops over the next few years. But what we can say at this point is that the 2026 Amendment is a first step in the right direction. It recognises the issue but doesn’t resolve it entirely.

  1. Outsourced Censorship and Its Chilling Effect on Speech

A closer examination of the 2026 Amendment Rules reveals that the key constitutional issue is not just the content of the prohibitions, but the manner in which they work. The regime places a significant emphasis on the intermediaries to make speedy determinations about the legality and propriety of content. This move from public law to private platform judgment is worth considering.

Regulation of speech is not prohibited by the Constitution. It allows it in certain circumstances. But it has also insisted that regulation be imposed by clear law and subject to some form of review. When private companies are put in a position where they must determine what speech is allowed to remain online, the distinction between regulation and delegation is blurred.

The three-hour takedown period is a case in point. It’s supposed to curb harm rapidly. It might also lead to defensive censorship. In doubt, a platform will err on the side of censorship and then test for legality. This is not because it is told to over-censor by law, but because the stakes are high.

It might be indirectly discouraged.

The Supreme Court tackled a similar problem in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India. The Court concluded that vague and overbroad restrictions on free speech can result in arbitrary censorship. It noted that intermediaries shouldn’t be “forced to act as judges in a statutory vacuum”. The 2026 Rules do not repeat Section 66A, but they raise a similar issue. They establish a regime where platforms must work fast with general and sometimes vague criteria like “constitutional compliance.”

And how to appeal the decision. This presents a silent question. If the Constitution demands due process and accountability from the State, should it also demand it from private persons acting on behalf of the State?

  1. Proportionality and Constitutional Constraints

Proportionality is a key doctrine in the Indian Constitution, particularly since K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India. The Court adopted a four-part test. A restriction on a fundamental right must meet four criteria.[27] It must be for a legitimate purpose, rationally connected to that purpose, necessary (in the sense that there is no less restrictive alternative) and proportionate (in the sense of balancing the right and the restriction).

The picture for the 2026 Rules is mixed.

The first criterion, legitimacy, is not problematic. The prevention of misinformation, harm to individuals, and public order are legitimate state interests. Everyone would agree that there should be some regulation of synthetic media.

The second requirement, reasoned connection, also seems to be met. Notifying users of synthetic content and facilitating quick takedowns may help prevent the use of synthetic media. These steps are rationally connected to the objectives.

The problem arises at the necessity stage. It is unclear whether such short time frames and broad duties are the least intrusive. Could independent oversight minimise the risk of arbitrary removal? These options appear to have been overlooked.

The last step, balancing, needs more consideration. The Rules place substantial compliance costs on intermediaries, particularly smaller sites that do not have sophisticated moderation technologies. They also impact users’ freedom of expression. The need for speedy action has to be assessed against the risk of over-censorship.

The Court’s observations In Modern Dental College and Research Centre v. State of Madhya Pradesh are pertinent.[28] It noted that even if the State has a legitimate objective, it cannot use excessive means. Even if effective, a measure that is too harsh might not pass constitutional muster.

In this context, the 2026 Amendment appears to be somewhat in between. It deals with a problem, but its structure may be too much in favour of control at the expense of subtlety. Lacking specific safeguards, it is hard to say that the balance has been meticulously preserved.

  1. Courts in the Time of AI: Emerging Judicial Concerns

Recent court cases offer insight into how courts might deal with AI. A case in point is Gummadi Usha Rani v. Sure Mallikarjuna Rao.

The trial court In this case cited non-existent judgments. The cases were cited by an AI tool and seemed to make sense. The Supreme Court stepped in, highlighting the seriousness of the mistake and its impact on the justice system. The case was put on hold and further investigated.[29]

The case doesn’t set out a broad legal framework on AI. It is more a case of institutional caution. It demonstrates that even legal professionals may have trouble telling the difference between the real and the fake. If this is true for the judiciary, then the problem is even more serious for intermediaries.

Here, one might pause for thought. If the detection of synthetic content involves verification, is this possible within three hours? Or is the law, in requiring acceleration, likely to lead to shallowness?

VII. Structural Gaps in the Indian Regulatory Framework

The 2026 Rules are a targeted intervention, but they don’t address the complexity of the harms associated with AI. A more comprehensive response may involve a breakdown of risks.

Such content may be taken down quickly, since the harm is immediate.

Another category includes synthetic content that is not unlawful, but potentially deceptive. Transparency and labelling may be all that is needed in this context. The aim is not banning the content but educating the consumer.

A third, more sophisticated, category is high-risk applications. This involves uses in elections, policing, finance and courts. These risks are systemic. They stem from the design and use of the systems, not only from the content.

The existing framework does not clearly distinguish these. It uses a largely one-size-fits-all approach that focuses on intermediaries. This makes enforcement easier, but it also means the system is less able to deal with underlying problems like algorithmic bias, explainability and discrimination.

India’s approach, on the other hand, is still stuck in content regulation. It relies on the belief that control of output is enough to control harm. This may be true in some instances, but not all.

VIII. Emerging Constitutional Questions

As the debate unfolds, some questions emerge. They are not easy to answer, but they serve to focus the question.

Will a system of quick takedown preserve the balance between safety and free speech?

Should intermediaries be the primary decision-makers on matters of fundamental rights?

Should we focus on AI outputs or should we also focus on its operations?

These questions indicate the problem is not technical. It is constitutional in nature. It has to do with the relationship between the State, private parties and individual rights in the digital sphere.

The 2026 Amendment is a milestone in recognising this issue. But it also shows the limitations of a model that is primarily concerned with content. It does little to resolve the underlying problems of accountability, transparency and justice.

  1. Comparative Lessons and the Search for a Regulatory Model

One way to see the shortcomings of the current model is to compare it with other regulatory models that have started to emerge. The European Union’s Artificial Intelligence Act classifies systems by risk. Generative AI, such as deepfakes, is positioned within a transparency framework, with disclosure as a key element.

The Indian 2026 Amendment, on the other hand, remains within an intermediary-focused framework. It focuses on platforms as the main regulatory site and leaves it to platforms to deal with the effects of AI content. Should we regulate the creation, design and deployment of AI systems, or the moment at which material is put into the public sphere?

It is not an easy question to answer. A platform-based approach can be implemented rapidly. However, this ease also comes at a price. It may fail to address the root causes of the problem. If a factory consistently produces flawed products, checking the goods at the time of sale may minimise damage in the short to medium term. But it doesn’t fix the root of the problem. Eventually the focus may need to be on the manufacturing process itself. This appears to be the case with AI.

  1. Reconsidering the Constitutional Balance in the Digital Era

The Indian Constitution has always involved a balance between State and individual rights. This balance is more challenging in the digital era. The 2026 Rules place an emphasis on speed. Harms need to be remedied swiftly, often within hours. This makes sense, particularly in cases of privacy infringements or public nuisance. But speed has never been the only constitutional concern. It has demanded fairness, transparency and accountability too.

The lack of fine-grained procedural protections in the current system is problematic. When a user’s content is removed, there is no need for an explanation at the time. In the digital environment, timing is important. If a message is unavailable for a few hours at a critical time, it could be lost.

Here we come back to the concept of proportionality. The Court’s reasoning in cases like Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India provides guidance. It stressed the importance of periodic review and transparency in imposing internet access restrictions.[30] Although the case is different, the same principle applies. Restrictions should not operate in isolation. They should be subject to review and justifiable.  

In the context of the 2026 Amendment, the absence of a review process for platform decisions may detract from this. It relies heavily on intermediaries without providing sufficient oversight.

  1. Towards a More Coherent Regulatory Framework

If the current approach is only a partial solution, the question becomes what a more comprehensive approach might look like. One option is to enact a law governing AI. This law would not only regulate content, but also the lifecycle of AI systems. It could mandate risk assessment prior to deployment, documentation of system design, and the ability to override the system in critical situations.

Transparency would still be crucial, but it would not be confined to content labelling. It could also involve the description of how systems work and make decisions. This could be important in applications such as credit scoring or predictive policing, where decisions have direct consequences for human rights.

Institutional design also matters. An independent regulatory agency, with technical expertise and quasi-judicial powers, may be better suited to regulate compliance than a platform-only approach.[31] It could provide guidance, audits, and offer dispute resolution.

Another consideration is the harmonisation of laws. The Digital Personal Data Protection Act covers data collection and processing, but not the results of AI processing. An integrated approach could address this, bringing together data protection and algorithmic accountability.[32]

XII. Concluding Reflections

The 2026 Amendment Rules signify a turning point. They demonstrate a recognition that the law is failing to keep up with technological change. They also show the challenges of developing an effective and constitutionally compliant response.

The framework is more focused on control at the level of content. It attempts to control the effects of AI rather than the processes. This may be understandable as a short-term response, but it does not address all of the challenges posed by artificial intelligence.

The constitutional tradition may not supply answers, but it can offer some guidance. It tells us that regulation needs to be proportionate, transparent, and accountable. It warns us not to put all of our eggs in any one basket, public or private. And it reminds us that rights do not wither in the light of technological advance. They evolve, but they remain.

 

 

[1] Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2026, G.S.R. 120€ (Feb. 10, 2026).

[2] Ministry of Electronics & Info. Tech., FAQs on the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2026, at 2-4 (Feb. 10, 2026).

[3] Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, rr. 3(2)(d), 3(3)(a)(ii), as amended by G.S.R. 120€ (Feb. 10, 2026).

[4] Id. At 2–4.

[5] Id.

[6] Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, as amended by G.S.R. 120€ (Feb. 10, 2026); Ministry of Electronics & Info. Tech., FAQs on the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Amendment Rules, 2026, at 3-4 (Feb. 10, 2026).

[7] Information Technology Act, No. 21 of 2000, § 79, India Code (2000), as amended by G.S.R. 120€ (Feb. 10, 2026).

[8] Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, rr. 3(2)(d), 3(3)(a)(ii), as amended by G.S.R. 120€ (Feb. 10, 2026).

[9] Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, (2015) 5 S.C.C. 1 (India); Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) v. Union of India, (2017) 10 S.C.C. 1 (India).

[10] Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, (2015) 5 S.C.C. 1 (India).

[11] Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, rr. 3(1B), 7, as amended by G.S.R. 120€ (Feb. 10, 2026).

[12] Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, (2015) 5 S.C.C. 1 (India).

[13] Id. ¶¶ 84, 90.

[14] Gummadi Usha Rani v. Sure Mallikarjuna Rao, C.R.P. No. 2487 of 2025, at 1-2 (A.P. H.C. Sept. 26, 2025).

[15] Gummadi Usha Rani & Anr. V. Sure Mallikarjuna Rao & Anr., S.L.P. © No. 7575 of 2026 (S. Ct. India Feb. 27, 2026) (order on admission).

[16] Gummadi Usha Rani v. Sure Mallikarjuna Rao, C.R.P. No. 2487 of 2025, at 1-2 (A.P. H.C. Sept. 26, 2025); Gummadi Usha Rani & Anr. V. Sure Mallikarjuna Rao & Anr., S.L.P. © No. 7575 of 2026 (S. Ct. India Feb. 27, 2026).

[17] Information Technology Act, No. 21 of 2000, § 79, India Code (2000), as amended by G.S.R. 120€ (Feb. 10, 2026).

[18] Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, rr. 3(3)(a)(ii), 4(1A), as amended by G.S.R. 120€ (Feb. 10, 2026).

[19] Id. R. 3(3)(a)(ii).

[20] Id. R. 3(2)(d).

[21] Id. Rr. 3(1B), 7.

[22] Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) v. Union of India, (2017) 10 S.C.C. 1 (India); Modern Dental College & Research Ctr. V. State of M.P., (2016) 7 S.C.C. 353 (India).

[23] Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, (2015) 5 S.C.C. 1 (India); Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India, (2020) 3 S.C.C. 637 (India).

[24] Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, rr. 3(3)(a)(ii), 3(1B), as amended by G.S.R. 120€ (Feb. 10, 2026).

[25] Regulation (EU) 2024/1689 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 June 2024 Laying Down Harmonised Rules on Artificial Intelligence (Artificial Intelligence Act), 2024 O.J. (L 2024/1689).

[26] Regulation (EU) 2024/1689, arts. 9, 14, 16, 50, 2024 O.J. (L 2024/1689).

[27] Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) v. Union of India, (2017) 10 S.C.C. 1, ¶¶ 325-26, 436-44 (India); Modern Dental College & Research Ctr. V. State of M.P., (2016) 7 S.C.C. 353 (India).

[28] Modern Dental College & Research Ctr. V. State of M.P., (2016) 7 S.C.C. 353 (India).

[29] Gummadi Usha Rani & Anr. V. Sure Mallikarjuna Rao & Anr., S.L.P. © No. 7575 of 2026 (S. Ct. India Feb. 27, 2026); Gummadi Usha Rani v. Sure Mallikarjuna Rao, C.R.P. No. 2487 of 2025, at 1-2 (A.P. H.C. Sept. 26, 2025).

[30] Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India, (2020) 3 S.C.C. 637, ¶¶ 151-54 (India).

[31] Regulation (EU) 2024/1689, arts. 14, 53, 54, 2024 O.J. (L 2024/1689); Information Technology Act, No. 21 of 2000, § 79, India Code (2000).

[32] Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, No. 22 of 2023, India Code (2023).

3d logo journal

“A STUDY ON COASTAL REGULATION ZONE VIOLATIONS AND THE RIGHTS OF TRADITIONAL FISHING COMMUNITIES WITH REFERENCE TO THE CRZ NOTIFICATION, 2019 IN TAMIL NADU”

AUTHOR: SATVIKA SENTHILNATHAN  /B.COM LLB (HONS)/ SAVEETHA SCHOOL OF LAW/ SAVEETHA INSTITUTE  OF MEDICAL AND TECHNICAL SCIENCES/  (SIMATS) CHENNAI – 600077

CO AUTHOR:- NIMALAN V V/ B.COM LLB (HONS)/ SAVEETHA SCHOOL OF LAW/ SAVEETHA INSTITUTE  OF MEDICAL AND TECHNICAL SCIENCES/ (SIMATS)/ CHENNAI – 600077

ABSTRACT:

India’s coastal governance framework underwent a significant structural shift with the introduction of the Coastal Regulation Zone Notification, 2019, issued by the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change under the Environment Protection Act, 1986. The 2019 Notification replaced its predecessor of 2011, introducing several modifications including the reduction of No Development Zones, expanded permissions for tourism and infrastructure projects, and revised classifications of coastal land. While these changes were presented as measures to ease regulatory burdens and promote development, they carry substantial implications for the livelihood security of traditional fishing communities residing along India’s coastline.

Tamil Nadu, home to one of India’s most historically significant artisanal fishing populations and a coastline spanning several hundred kilometres, presents an instructive jurisdiction for examining these implications. Traditional fishing communities in coastal districts such as Rameswaram, Nagapattinam, and Kanyakumari depend directly on coastal access for their subsistence and livelihoods. The erosion of regulatory protections under the 2019 Notification raises serious questions under Article 21 of the Constitution of India, which has been interpreted by the Supreme Court to encompass the right to livelihood as an integral facet of the right to life.

This paper critically examines whether the CRZ Notification, 2019 adequately safeguards the livelihood rights of traditional fishing communities, with particular reference to Tamil Nadu’s coastal districts. Through doctrinal analysis of constitutional provisions, statutory frameworks, and judicial decisions of the National Green Tribunal and Madras High Court, this paper identifies structural gaps in the existing regulatory framework and proposes targeted legal recommendations for reform.

KEYWORDS: CRZ Notification 2019, Right to Livelihood, Article 21, Traditional Fishing Communities, Tamil Nadu, Coastal Governance

INTRODUCTION:

Coastlines are not merely geographical boundaries  for millions of traditional fishing communities across India, they are the very foundation of livelihood, culture, and identity. The legal framework governing coastal zones therefore carries consequences that extend well beyond environmental regulation, touching upon constitutionally guaranteed rights and the economic survival of some of India’s most economically marginalised populations.

The Coastal Regulation Zone Notification, 2019, issued under Section 3 of the Environment Protection Act, 1986, represents the most recent articulation of India’s coastal governance policy. Superseding the CRZ Notification of 2011, the 2019 framework introduced structural changes that have generated considerable debate among environmental lawyers, policymakers, and affected communities alike. Of particular concern is the reduction of the No Development Zone from two hundred metres to fifty metres in densely populated coastal areas, the expanded permissibility of construction and infrastructure projects in coastal belts, and the reclassification of certain ecologically sensitive zones in ways that potentially open them to development pressures.[1]

Tamil Nadu occupies a position of particular significance in this context. Its coastline, home to communities of traditional fishers locally known as meenavar spanning districts including Rameswaram, Nagapattinam, Cuddalore, and Kanyakumari, has for centuries sustained artisanal fishing as the primary economic activity.[2] These communities now face mounting pressures from coastal infrastructure projects, tourism development, and port expansion  activities that the 2019 Notification has rendered legally more accessible.

The constitutional dimension of this issue is anchored in Article 21 of the Constitution of India. The Supreme Court, in Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation,[3] authoritatively held that the right to livelihood is an integral component of the right to life under Article 21. Any state action  including subordinate legislation such as a CRZ Notification that arbitrarily displaces or extinguishes livelihood rights without adequate procedural safeguards and substantive justification is susceptible to constitutional challenge.

Against this backdrop, this paper poses the following research questions: first, whether the CRZ Notification, 2019 structurally weakens the livelihood protections of traditional fishing communities; second, whether Tamil Nadu’s implementation framework adequately addresses district-level displacement concerns; and third, what legal reforms are necessary to reconcile coastal development imperatives with constitutionally guaranteed livelihood rights.

The paper proceeds through an analysis of the 2019 Notification’s key changes, a constitutional assessment under Article 21, an examination of Tamil Nadu-specific judicial and regulatory developments, and concludes with concrete policy recommendations.

EVOLUTION OF COASTAL REGULATION: FROM CRZ 2011 TO CRZ 2019

India’s coastal regulation framework has evolved through successive notifications, each reflecting shifting policy priorities between environmental conservation and developmental imperatives. The CRZ Notification of 1991 established the foundational architecture of coastal governance, introducing zone-based classifications and development restrictions along the coastline. The 2011 Notification revised this framework significantly, strengthening ecological protections and expanding the rights of traditional fishing communities. The 2019 Notification, however, marks a decisive policy reorientation  one that prioritises infrastructural development and economic growth, often at the expense of ecological and livelihood safeguards.[4]

  1. Reclassification of Coastal Zones

The 2019 Notification retains the broad four-zone classification  CRZ-I (ecologically sensitive areas), CRZ-II (urban areas), CRZ-III (rural and semi-urban areas), and CRZ-IV (aquatic areas including tidal water bodies)  but introduces sub-classifications that materially alter the regulatory treatment of each zone.[5] CRZ-III, which encompasses rural coastal areas where traditional fishing communities predominantly reside, is now subdivided into CRZ-IIIA and CRZ-IIIB based on population density. This subdivision is particularly consequential densely populated areas under CRZ-IIIA now attract a reduced No Development Zone of only fifty metres from the High Tide Line, compared to the two-hundred-metre restriction previously applicable under the 2011 Notification.[6] This reduction effectively brings traditional fishing settlements into closer proximity to permissible development activity, exposing them to displacement pressures that were previously buffered by the wider NDZ.

  1. Expanded Permissibility of Development Activities

The 2019 Notification expands the categories of activities permissible within coastal zones in ways that directly affect fishing communities. Tourism infrastructure, including beach resorts, hotels, and recreational facilities, may now be constructed in areas previously subject to stricter restrictions.[7] Port and harbour expansion projects have similarly received greater regulatory facilitation. While these measures are framed as instruments of economic development, they operate in direct tension with the subsistence rights of communities whose livelihoods depend on unobstructed coastal access.

  1. Coastal Zone Management Plans

The 2019 Notification mandates each coastal state to prepare and submit revised Coastal Zone Management Plans reflecting the new regulatory framework.[8] Tamil Nadu’s revised CZMP, which is required to map fishing community settlements, ecologically sensitive areas, and permissible development zones at the district level, is a critical instrument for assessing ground-level impact. However, the approval status of Tamil Nadu’s revised CZMP remains a matter requiring verification at the time of submission, and any delays or deficiencies in this process constitute a regulatory gap with direct consequences for affected communities.

Taken together, the structural changes introduced by the 2019 Notification represent a measurable dilution of the protective framework that previously insulated traditional fishing communities from the adverse consequences of coastal development. The constitutional implications of these changes are examined in the following chapter.

CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS: ARTICLE 21 AND THE RIGHT TO LIVELIHOOD

  1. Doctrinal Foundation – Livelihood as Life

The constitutional protection of livelihood rights in India finds its authoritative basis in Article 21 of the Constitution, which guarantees that no person shall be deprived of life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law. The Supreme Court’s landmark pronouncement in Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation[9]decisively expanded this guarantee beyond mere physical existence, holding that the right to life necessarily includes the right to livelihood. The Court reasoned that if the right to livelihood is not treated as a part of the constitutional right to life, the easiest way of depriving a person of the right to life would be to deprive them of their means of livelihood.[10]

This reasoning was subsequently affirmed and deepened in Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India,[11] where the Court established that any law or executive action depriving a person of life or liberty must satisfy a threefold test it must be just, fair, and reasonable thereby importing substantive due process into Article 21 jurisprudence. Applied to the present context, any regulatory notification that structurally displaces the livelihood of traditional fishing communities must satisfy this standard of substantive reasonableness and cannot be sustained merely on the ground that it follows a procedure prescribed by law.

  1. Application to Traditional Fishing Communities

Traditional fishing communities along Tamil Nadu’s coast derive their livelihood exclusively from direct coastal access for fishing operations, drying and processing of catch, storage of boats and nets, and the conduct of fish markets along the shoreline. Any regulatory framework that permits construction, tourism infrastructure, or port expansion within or immediately adjacent to these zones necessarily curtails this access and, by extension, threatens the constitutional right to livelihood guaranteed under Article 21.

The Supreme Court in S. Jagannath v. Union of India[12] specifically addressed the rights of traditional coastal communities, holding that the rights of local fishermen and their right to livelihood cannot be ignored while permitting development activities along the coast. The Court directed that the CRZ framework must be implemented in a manner that protects, rather than undermines, the subsistence rights of traditional coastal dwellers. This precedent carries direct force against the permissive developmental framework introduced by the 2019 Notification.

  1. The Proportionality Question

The reduction of the No Development Zone from two hundred metres to fifty metres under CRZ-IIIA, and the expanded permissibility of tourism and infrastructure projects, must be assessed against the constitutional proportionality standard. The Supreme Court, in Modern Dental College v. State of Madhya Pradesh,[13] formally adopted proportionality as a constitutional standard of review under Article 21, requiring that any restriction on a fundamental right must be proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued.

Applied here, the question becomes whether the developmental benefits sought by the 2019 Notification increased tourism revenue, port capacity, and infrastructure growth are proportionate to the livelihood costs imposed upon traditional fishing communities who lack alternative means of subsistence. Given that these communities represent one of India’s most economically vulnerable populations, with no realistic capacity to absorb displacement or transition to alternative livelihoods, a strong argument exists that the 2019 Notification fails the proportionality test as applied to CRZ-III areas in Tamil Nadu.

  1. Article 19(1)(g) – Right to Practise Any Profession

Complementing the Article 21 analysis, the right of traditional fishers to practise their hereditary occupation is also protected under Article 19(1)(g) of the Constitution. Any regulatory measure that effectively forecloses this right through coastal displacement must satisfy the requirements of Article 19(6) it must constitute a reasonable restriction in the interests of the general public. Development-driven displacement of subsistence fishing communities, without adequate rehabilitation or compensation frameworks, is difficult to sustain as a reasonable restriction under this standard.

Collectively, the constitutional framework under Articles 21 and 19(1)(g), as interpreted through the Supreme Court’s evolving jurisprudence, provides a robust basis for challenging the structural vulnerabilities created by the CRZ Notification, 2019 for traditional fishing communities in Tamil Nadu.

TAMIL NADU: GROUND REALITY AND JUDICIAL RESPONSE

  1. Profile of Traditional Fishing Communities in Tamil Nadu

Tamil Nadu’s coastal districts sustain one of India’s most historically entrenched artisanal fishing populations. Districts including Nagapattinam, Rameswaram, Cuddalore, Kanyakumari, and Chennai abrithe densely populated fishing hamlets  known locally as meenavar settlements  where fishing constitutes not merely an occupation but an inherited way of life passed across generations.[14] The Tamil Nadu Fisheries Department estimates that the state’s marine fisheries sector supports several lakhs of fishers and fishing-dependent workers, making it among the most significant in the country.[15] These communities are characterised by low capital mobility, absence of formal employment alternatives, and near-total dependence on coastal access for subsistence.

Against this backdrop, the structural changes introduced by the CRZ Notification, 2019 carry disproportionate consequences. The reduction of the No Development Zone to fifty metres in CRZ-IIIA areas  which encompasses many of Tamil Nadu’s densely populated fishing hamlets  effectively brings permissible construction and tourism infrastructure into the immediate vicinity of active fishing settlements. In districts like Rameswaram and Nagapattinam, where fishing communities occupy narrow coastal strips with no spatial buffer, this reduction creates a direct and measurable threat to livelihood continuity.

  1. Status of Tamil Nadu’s Coastal Zone Management Plan

The CRZ Notification, 2019 mandates each coastal state to prepare a revised Coastal Zone Management Plan mapping fishing settlements, ecologically sensitive areas, and permissible development zones at the district level.[16] The preparation and MoEF&CC approval of Tamil Nadu’s revised CZMP is a critical safeguard without an approved plan, district-level protections for fishing communities remain legally ambiguous and administratively unenforceable. The current approval status of Tamil Nadu’s revised CZMP must be verified through official MoEF records or RTI before submission, as it constitutes a foundational factual premise of this paper’s argument.

  1. Judicial Response – NGT and Madras High Court

The National Green Tribunal’s Southern Bench, located in Chennai, has adjudicated several matters concerning coastal regulation and fishing community rights in Tamil Nadu in the post-2019 period. While a comprehensive survey of these orders requires database research through NGT’s official order portal, the Tribunal has generally affirmed the principle that coastal development must not be permitted at the cost of traditional fishing livelihoods, reflecting the constitutional jurisprudence discussed in the preceding chapter.

The Madras High Court’s environmental bench has similarly intervened in matters involving coastal displacement and CRZ violations in Tamil Nadu. Notably, the Court has emphasised the obligation of state authorities to ensure that CZMP implementation is conducted with meaningful consultation with affected fishing communities  a procedural safeguard whose observance in Tamil Nadu’s revised CZMP process requires empirical verification.

Collectively, the ground reality in Tamil Nadu illustrates that the 2019 Notification’s permissive developmental framework intersects with a population uniquely vulnerable to its adverse consequences  a vulnerability that neither the Notification itself nor Tamil Nadu’s implementing framework has adequately addressed.

INTERNATIONAL FRAMEWORK: COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES

  1. FAO Voluntary Guidelines for Small-Scale Fisheries

At the international level, the Food and Agriculture Organisation’s Voluntary Guidelines for Securing Sustainable Small-Scale Fisheries in the Context of Food Security and Poverty Eradication, adopted in 2015, represent the most comprehensive normative framework addressing the rights of traditional fishing communities.[17] Although voluntary in character and therefore not legally binding upon India, these Guidelines articulate principles that carry persuasive authority in legal and policy discourse.

Of particular relevance is the Guidelines’ emphasis on the principle of non-discrimination, the obligation of states to recognise and protect the tenure rights of small-scale fishing communities over coastal resources, and the requirement that development decisions affecting fishing communities be preceded by free, prior, and meaningful consultation.[18] India’s CRZ framework, including the 2019 Notification, does not expressly incorporate these principles a gap that this paper identifies as a significant normative deficiency warranting legislative attention.

  1. Sri Lanka : A Comparative Coastal Governance Model

Sri Lanka’s Coast Conservation and Coastal Resource Management Act, 2011 provides an instructive point of comparison.[19] The Sri Lankan framework explicitly recognises the rights of traditional coastal communities as a primary consideration in coastal zone management decisions, and mandates participatory processes involving affected fishing communities before development approvals are granted in coastal areas. While Sri Lanka’s implementation record is itself imperfect, the legislative recognition of community participation rights represents a structural safeguard absent from India’s CRZ framework.

  1. The Principle of Sustainable Development

The principle of sustainable development affirmed in the Rio Declaration, 1992 and subsequently incorporated into Indian environmental jurisprudence through Vellore Citizens Welfare Forum v. Union of India[20] requires that developmental activities be pursued in a manner that does not irreversibly compromise the ecological or livelihood foundations upon which present and future generations depend. The CRZ Notification, 2019’s facilitation of coastal infrastructure at the expense of traditional fishing livelihoods is difficult to reconcile with this principle, particularly in ecologically sensitive coastal districts of Tamil Nadu.

The international frameworks examined above collectively suggest that India’s 2019 Notification falls short of globally recognised standards for the protection of small-scale fishing communities a shortcoming that should inform domestic legal reform.

FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION

  1. Key Findings

This paper’s analysis yields three principal findings.

  • First, the CRZ Notification, 2019 has structurally diluted the regulatory protections previously available to traditional fishing communities through the reduction of No Development Zones and the expanded permissibility of coastal development changes that are constitutionally suspect under the right to livelihood guaranteed by Article 21 and the right to practise an occupation under Article 19(1)(g).
  • Second, Tamil Nadu’s implementing framework presents specific vulnerabilities, including ambiguities in the revised CZMP approval process and insufficient judicial data to conclusively assess enforcement patterns gaps that themselves constitute independent regulatory failures.
  • Third, India’s CRZ framework lags behind international standards, particularly the FAO Voluntary Guidelines, 2015, in failing to mandate meaningful participatory processes for affected fishing communities before coastal development decisions are made.
  1. Recommendations

The following legal reforms are proposed.

  • First, the No Development Zone for CRZ-IIIA areas should be restored to at least one hundred metres, or alternatively, site-specific exemptions should be subject to mandatory consultation with gram sabhas of affected fishing communities before approval.
  • Second, the Central Government should incorporate the FAO Voluntary Guidelines’ free, prior, and meaningful consultation standard into the CRZ framework as a binding procedural prerequisite for all development approvals in fishing community zones.
  • Third, Tamil Nadu’s revised CZMP should be finalised and approved on priority, with mandatory district-level public hearings involving fishing community representatives as a condition of approval.
  • Fourth, the National Green Tribunal should be vested with explicit jurisdiction to review post-approval CRZ violations on a suo motu basis in districts with high concentrations of traditional fishing settlements.
  1. Conclusion

The coastline of Tamil Nadu is not merely a regulatory boundary, it is the livelihood of thousands of families whose constitutional rights demand more than procedural acknowledgment. The CRZ Notification, 2019, in its current form, privileges developmental imperatives over the subsistence rights of traditional fishing communities in ways that are constitutionally untenable and internationally inconsistent. Legal reform that centres community rights, ensures procedural participation, and restores meaningful No Development Zone protections is not merely desirable, it is constitutionally imperative.

[1]Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, Coastal Regulation Zone Notification, 2019, S.O. 668(E), February 18, 2019.

[2]Tamil Nadu Fisheries Department, Annual Report 2022–23 (Government of Tamil Nadu, 2023)

[3]Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation, AIR 1986 SC 180.

[4]Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, CRZ Notification 2011, S.O. 19(E), January 6, 2011; CRZ Notification 2019, S.O. 668(E), February 18, 2019.

[5]CRZ Notification, 2019, Clause 3  Zone Classification.

[6]CRZ Notification, 2019, Clause 3(iii)(A) CRZ-IIIA: NDZ of 50 metres; compare CRZ Notification, 2011, Clause 4  NDZ of 200 metres applicable to CRZ-III areas generally.

[7]CRZ Notification, 2019, Annexure I Permissible Activities.

[8]CRZ Notification, 2019, Clause 5 Coastal Zone Management Plans.

[9]Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation, AIR 1986 SC 180.

[10]Ibid, para 32.

[11]Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India, AIR 1978 SC 597.

[12]S. Jagannath v. Union of India, (1997) 2 SCC 87.

[13]Modern Dental College and Research Centre v. State of Madhya Pradesh, (2016) 7 SCC 353.

[14]Tamil Nadu Fisheries Department, District-wise Fisher Population Data

[15]Ibid

[16]CRZ Notification, 2019, Clause 5  Coastal Zone Management Plans.

[17] Food and Agriculture Organisation, Voluntary Guidelines for Securing Sustainable Small-Scale Fisheries (FAO, Rome, 2015).

[18] Ibid, Sections 5 and 7 Tenure Rights and Participatory Governance.

[19] Coast Conservation and Coastal Resource Management Act, No. 57 of 1981 as amended by Act No. 49 of 2011 (Sri Lanka).

[20] Vellore Citizens Welfare Forum v. Union of India, (1996) 5 SCC 647.

3d logo journal

“A LEGAL ANALYSIS OF NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS: REGULATING OUTER SPACE ACTIVITIES”

Author : Avi Kankariya  /Law Student /B.A. LL.B. (Hons.) /Third Year / SVKM’s Narsee Monjee Institute of Management Studies, School of Law, Bengaluru

 ABSTRACT

A growing number of activities occurring beyond Earth particularly those conducted by State actors and private sector entities has prompted a greater need for integrated, multi-layered regulatory frameworks. This article focuses on the structures of international and national organizations involved in regulating space activities and how they interact through their institutional mandates, legal instruments, and regulatory issues. The article begins by discussing the United Nations system, specifically the role of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS) and the United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA) and analyzing the five space treaties developed by the UN system and the associated principles. The analysis continues with a review of key intergovernmental organizations such as the European Space Agency (ESA) and the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), as well as an examination of the regulatory frameworks in the US, Europe and India. The article concludes that the existing environment provides a necessary starting point but there are gaps in the regulatory framework which requires regulatory cooperation or adaptability focused on commercial activities in space, the utilization of resources from space, and the problem of debris in orbit around earth.

Keywords: Outer Space Treaty, COPUOS, UNOOSA, European Space Agency, International Telecommunication Union, Commercial Space Activities, National Legal Frameworks.

1.INTRODUCTION

A comprehensive examination of the development of space-related activities demonstrates that what was once limited to superpowers during the Cold War has become a battleground for several entities, including satellites, space stations, businesses entering space, and proposals for extracting resources from other planets. The underlying legal framework for regulating mass-market space activities is comprised of a number of different international treaties; customary international law; soft law; and, increasingly, country-specific regulatory systems. Currently, at least 118 countries are signatory to the primary international treaty framework for space (the Outer Space Treaty), and it is predicted that global spending on space-related activity will exceed 600 billion U.S. dollars sometime within ten years. These factors indicate the importance of determining the institutions responsible for creating the rules for outer space activities and how the rules are enforced.

There are three levels of regulation of outer space: United Nations Universal International Law; Regional or Inter-Governmental Organizations (like ESA, ITU); National Domestic Legal Frameworks That Implement a Country’s International Obligations. This paper will analyze systematically and in-depth each of these three levels of law by examining the institutional structure and legal instruments associated with them.

2. THE UNITED NATION FRAMEWORK FOR OUTER SPACE GOVERNANCE

The Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS)

the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS) was established by the United Nations General Assembly in 1959 with the aim of governing the exploration and use of outer space for humankind. Initially, COPUOS had 18 members; now there are over 104 member countries which meet annually in Vienna, Austria.[1] The institutional mandate of COPUOS is threefold: To review international cooperation regarding peaceful uses of outer space, To develop programs under the auspices of the UN, and To examine the legal issues arising from the exploration of outer space.

COPUOS has two subsidiary bodies that meet regularly: the Scientific and Technical Subcommittee and the Legal Subcommittee. Each year in February, the Scientific and Technical Subcommittee addresses the scientific and technical aspects of outer space. Some of these topics include methods for mitigating space debris, near-Earth objects, and the use of nuclear power sources in outer space.[2] Each year in April, the Legal Subcommittee meets to discuss the legal aspects of outer space, such as the legal framework governing outer space activities and five UN treaties that define outer space and applicable law.

One important characteristic of COPUOS is the way in which it makes decisions by requiring consensus among all member states. This means that all COPUOS decisions are made using soft law instruments, that is, guidelines and principles rather than legally binding instruments of law. According to one legal officer at UNOOSA, guidelines and technical standards issued by the COPUOS will become legally-binding within everyone’s national jurisdictions, thereby eroding the hard-law and soft-law distinction.

The United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA)

The United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA) has operated from its Vienna headquarters since 1958 to serve as the secretariat for COPUOS.[3] The organization assists COPUOS through its diverse programs that cover scientific, technical, legal, and policy dimensions of space exploration activities. The organization operates the United Nations Register of Objects Launched into Outer Space, which serves as a public registry established by the 1976 Registration Convention, while it also manages the UN-SPIDER platform that utilizes space technology for disaster risk reduction purposes.

The United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs or UNOOSA also takes care of the Space Law, for New Space Actors Project. This project is meant to help countries that’re new to space activities. It helps them build their laws and regulations at home. In the year 2022 UNOOSA started the Accessing Space Treaty Resources Online database, which is also called ASTRO. The ASTRO database is a trusted place where people can find space agreements and see who has agreed to them.[4]

  • The Five UN Space Treaties: The Corpus Juris Spatialis

The basic legal framework of international space law exists through five treaties which are known as corpus juris spatialis. The instruments function as the fundamental legal standards of the field because they were established through negotiations which COPUOS conducted during the initial decades of space exploration.

The Outer Space Treaty (1967)[5]: The Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies became open for signing on 27 January 1967 and the treaty became effective on 10 October 1967. The treaty which people commonly refer to as the Magna Carta of Space Law establishes fundamental principles which state that all nations should benefit from space exploration and usage while outer space remains open for all nations to explore and foreign powers cannot claim space as their territory.11 The Article VI section establishes State responsibility as its main legal principle by stating that all nations must control their international space operations which apply to both governmental and non-governmental space activities that require official permission to proceed.

The Rescue Agreement (1968)[6]: The Agreement on the Rescue of Astronauts the Return of Astronauts and the Return of Objects Launched into Outer Space which the United Nations adopted on 22 April 1968 explains Articles 5 and 8 of the Outer Space Treaty. States Parties must execute every available method to complete astronaut rescue operations who face emergency situations and return them to their original launching nation because astronauts serve as “envoys of mankind” according to international space law.

The Liability Convention (1972)[7]: The Convention on International Liability for Damage Caused by Space Objects, which became effective on 1 September 1972 establishes absolute liability of the launching State for damage caused by its space objects on Earth’s surface or to aircraft in flight and fault-based liability for damage in outer space. The Convention was notably invoked in 1978 following the crash of the Soviet Cosmos 954 nuclear-powered satellite over Canadian territory which resulted in a diplomatic settlement.

The Registration Convention (1976)[8]: The Convention on Registration of Objects Launched into Outer Space, which entered into force on 15 September 1976,14 requires launching States to maintain national registries and furnish information on space objects to the UN Secretary-General. The main function of this instrument serves as the foundational element for orbital transparency which enables monitoring of potential liabilities according to the Liability Convention.

The Moon Agreement (1979)[9]: The Agreement Governing the Activities of States on the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, which became effective on 11 July 1984,15 mandates the establishment of an international regime to govern resource exploitation because it classifies the Moon together with its natural resources as “the common heritage of mankind.” The Agreement’s effectiveness, however, remains severely constrained because only eighteen States are party to it as of 2025 and major spacefaring nations including the United States and Russia and China have declined to ratify it which results in its common heritage provisions being mostly aspirational.

3. KEY INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS IN SPACE REGULATIONS

The European Space Agency (ESA)

The European Space Agency or ESA was set up in 1975. It is an organization that helps countries in Europe work together in space.[10] The ESA does two things: it builds and runs spacecraft, and it helps its member countries make their own space laws. ESA has 22 member countries that work together on space projects. Over the years ESA has become very good at working in space. It has helped European companies compete in the space industry by investing a lot of money in it. The European Space Agency coordinates space activities. Has a lot of technical knowledge. This knowledge helps ESA and its member countries like those in the space sector to advance in space exploration.

The European Space Agency (ESA) holds a special status as its institutional framework operates through specific governmental regulations. The European Space Agency (ESA) has officially recognized the Rescue Agreement and the Liability Convention and the Registration Convention which grants the organization international legal status according to space law. The European Space Agency (ESA) functions as an intergovernmental organization through which its Member States can work together and share information while developing common positions about international and national space law matters including COPUOS sessions.[11]

The European Space Agency provides its most significant legal impact through its international space law development work to member states. The European Space Agency provides essential support to Finland and other countries that developed their domestic space laws after 2018 by offering institutional knowledge and legal assistance for their legislative development. ESA acts as a “package deal” provider for Member States that lack the domestic capacity to assess the technical and legal dimensions of space regulation independently. The intergovernmental law-making process of this collaborative model works to achieve its main objective of protecting international space law from becoming fragmented while allowing different nations to maintain their distinct regulatory systems.

The International Telecommunication Union (ITU)

The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) functions as a United Nations specialized agency that controls essential radio-frequency spectrum and satellite orbital slot regulations. ITU’s Radio Regulations established an international legal framework that governs both radio-frequency spectrum usage and geostationary satellite orbit and other satellite orbit operations. The requirement for ITU coordination exists because orbital slots are limited and radio-frequency interference can create dangerous situations, which means that satellite operators must first obtain their ITU filing before they can receive domestic spectrum authorization from organizations like the FCC in the United States.

The ITU process requires applicants to file coordination requests up to three to five years before launch, making it the longest lead-time regulatory process in commercial spaceflight.[12] National telecommunications administrations file on behalf of their operators through processes governed by the Radio Regulations. The failure to initiate ITU coordination before national licensing can result in a domestic license with no international spectrum protection — a significant commercial and legal vulnerability for satellite operators.

International regulatory conflicts in satellite networks have emerged as the primary operational challenge for multiple countries because of their need to develop satellite networks over international regions. The increasing number of constellation filings has created challenges which include determining how many satellites can operate in space and how to distribute satellite access among countries and whether the existing “first come first served” method of spectrum distribution provides sufficient protection for developing countries with limited capabilities to submit their coordination requests.

  1. NATIONAL REGULATORY REGIMES

The United States

The U.S. has the most advanced national framework for regulating its space program; therefore, the U.S. is still leading in the world for both government and commercial space use. This is also due to there being multiple regulatory authorities across agencies that govern separate areas of space operations provided by each agency.

The Commercial Space Launch Act of 1984 (Public Law 98-575) serves as the core legislation covering commercial space launches; it gives DOT authority to regulate and promote commercial space launches. FAA/AST is the agency within the DOT that is responsible for the regulation and promotion of the launch industry; it issues licenses to U.S. citizens for launching or re-entering (via launch) anywhere in the world or for anyone to operate as a licensee; therefore, any

commercial launch or re-entry must be licensed.[13] The FAA issued an important rulemaking in 2020 that created a new performance-based licensure system for all commercial launch and re-entry vehicles (including rockets and re-entering vehicles) as codified in Title 14, Part 450 of the Code of Federal Regulations, replacing the older licensing model which required separate licensing for each vehicle type.[14]

The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) grants operators of commercial satellite systems licenses for communication and uses spectrum allocation to manage the use of commercial space systems. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) grants licenses for commercial Earth remote sensing satellites. Export controls over space technologies are jointly administered by the Department of Commerce and the Department of State, through the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR), which the State Department’s Directorate of Defense Trade Controls administers.[15]

The FAA’s licensing evaluation process consists of five components: safety review, policy review (provided by the Department of Defense and Department of State), payload review, financial responsibility requirements, and environmental review. The complexity and multi-agency nature of this framework has resulted in a lot of criticism from industry about regulatory fragmentation and processing times. There is no established mechanism for authorizing new space activities including on-orbit servicing, in-space manufacturing, and cislunar activities that would not be easily covered by any specific agency such as the FAA, the FCC, or NOAA. This creates concerns about how to comply with Article VI of the Outer Space Treaty.[16] On April 12, 2025, an Executive Order was issued directing the Department of Commerce to develop an authorization process for these types of new space activities to address this regulatory gap.

 

India: From State Monopoly to Liberalized Space Economy

The Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO), established in 1969 and taking over from the Indian National Committee for Space Research (INCOSPAR) created in 1962, has always been a fully public sector Indian space program. Since its inception ISRO has achieved many remarkable milestones including launching many commercial satellites for foreign customers (over 300) and sending the Chandrayaan-1 lunar spacecraft to orbit.[17]

India’s governance structure for its space sector has changed dramatically through two major initiatives: the establishment of IN-SPACe (Indian National Space Promotion and Authorization Centre) and the recent formulation of an Indian Space Policy 2023. IN-SPACe acts as the regulatory and promotional agency established to carry out India’s obligations under Article VI of the Outer Space Treaty by creating a system for licensing, permitting, and oversight of non-profit or non-governmental commercial operators.[18] IN-SPACe also provides a channel for the private sector to communicate with ISRO, make assessments of industrial requirements, and to help to provide all commercial operators with an equal opportunity in India’s space market.

The Indian Space Policy 2023 specifies how the Department of Space (DOS), ISRO, IN-SPACe, and the New Space India Limited (NSIL) are each responsible within the framework of India’s space program. Non-governmental entities (NGEs), which will require authorization to operate, will now be able to provide space transportation, satellite operations and remote sensing services significant changes from the previous State monopoly structure. Whilst India’s national space experience is heading towards a fully integrated legislative system, the Draft Space Activities Bill, 2017 (which would have addressed many of the issues related to licensing, liability and intellectual property) has not been enacted as of 2026 and therefore the legislative framework is entirely dependent on executive policy and not parliamentary law.

 

 

  1. EMERGING REGULATORY CHALLENGES

Commercial Space Activities and the Regulatory Gap

With the growing presence of private companies in the commercial space industry including SpaceX, Blue Origin, and many others there has been a huge lack of clarity within the current framework for International Space Law. The Outer Space Treaty was originally intended to regulate only government actors. As such, while the legal authority for controlling private space activities through Article VI of the Outer Space Treaty exists, the practical means of controlling those activities (i.e. state responsibility and national authorization and supervision) are too vague and result in differing levels of state control. The Outer Space Treaty provides no guidelines for how an authorized national government should issue their own authorization, leading to numerous differences between countries with respect to how strict or lenient the authorization process will be.

In the case of the US experience there is currently no broader spectrum of government regulation that could cover all activities occurring above earth (in space) after launch to re-entry. The FAA’s authority ends once the vehicle is separated from the rocket during the launch; so, there is not an authority to govern things like on-orbit servicing, manufacturing in space and clean-up of stationary debris that would normally take place in low earth orbit. There are many international organizations including COPUOS and some governments that have been trying to solve the problem of how to authorize “mission” or “novel space activity” (new types of mission/space activities) since at least 2026.[19]

Space Debris and the Common Governance Problem

The issue of managing debris in space presents a classic example of the challenge of managing the global commons. At present, there are over 27,000 tracked objects in orbit, plus millions more small but untracked pieces of debris that pose potential collision hazards to currently operating satellites. To address this problem, COPUOS adopted the Space Debris Mitigation Guidelines as the principal international basis for managing orbital debris back in 2007, and these guidelines received support from the UN General Assembly. The problem with the Space Debris Mitigation Guidelines is that they are not legally binding and, therefore, rely on each nation to voluntarily implement them.[20]

Growing numbers of large LEO constellations (with some being composed of thousands of satellites) have highlighted debris concerns and the 2022 FCC requirement to deorbit a satellite within five years after completion of its mission rather than the previously recommended twenty-five years is one of the most proactive national regulatory approaches to the debris issue. On the international level, there is not an existing binding treaty which covers either active debris removal or liability for debris-generating events with the needed level of specificity for today’s environment. Additionally, as per the Liability Convention, the launching State is responsible for debris damage, but that is becoming increasingly problematic as multiple decommissioned satellites from multiple launching States collide and create additional debris.

Space Resource Exploitation

In terms of mining water ice, minerals and different materials from the Moon, asteroids and other celestial objects, the commercial exploitation of such resources is the most controversial . The Outer Space Treaty forbids countries from taking ownership of outer space and celestial objects, but it does not specifically mention taking ownership of resources extracted from celestial objects. This has resulted in different countries creating different laws with regards to which resources can be taken.

According to the U.S. SPACE Act of 2015 and Luxembourg’s 20 July 2017 Law on the Exploration and Use of Space Resources, private persons may extract and possess space resources under international law, as if these resources were like fish in the open ocean, they are considered res nullius capable of being appropriated by taking possession of them, rather than res communis. However, if and when the Moon Agreement’s common heritage principle was ratified more widely, then all countries would have to agree on an international framework for fair sharing of these resources. At present, the countries that belong to COPUOS are in negotiations through the Working Group on Space Resources of the Legal Subcommittee to create a framework, but they have not yet reached an agreement.

  • CONCLUSION

There are increasing tensions in the current framework of space from three sources. First, commercial space activities have entered many markets with very little prior regulation or infrastructure; thus, the regulatory framework needs to adapt quickly to accommodate these new entrants into space. Second, the number of debris in orbit has risen to levels that threaten future operations and sustainability of near-Earth orbital activities; therefore, binding and flexible regulatory mechanisms must be developed to meet current problems that are not addressed by existing non-binding guidelines. Third, the increasing number of companies and activity related to extracting resources from space will require clear regulatory frameworks as neither the Outer Space Treaty nor the very few nations ratifying the Moon Agreement provide adequate clarity.

In order to solve the current challenges, there is need to find new ways of addressing them, not just keep improving old ones. A truly innovative response will involve an innovation in the regulatory framework that maintains multilateralism and promotes inclusive behaviour, as well as utilizing the technical expertise of organizations such as ESA and ITU. This new response should also allow for domestic regulatory experimentation, whilst preventing negative forms of fragmentation through forum shopping and regulatory arbitrage. In decades to come, the main legal question concerning the governance of space will be whether or not the international community preserves the will to govern effectively.

[1] U.N. Office for Outer Space Affairs, About COPUOS, https://www.unoosa.org/oosa/en/COPUOS/copuos.html

 (last visited Apr. 16, 2026).

[2] U.N. Office for Outer Space Affairs, COPUOS: Scientific and Technical Subcommittee, https://www.unoosa.org/oosa/de/ourwork/copuos/comm-subcomms.html (last visited Apr. 16, 2026).

[3] G.A. Res. 1348 (XIII), International Co-operation in the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, U.N. Doc. A/4090 (Dec. 13, 1958); U.N. Office for Outer Space Affairs, About UNOOSA, https://www.unoosa.org (last visited Apr. 16, 2026).

[4] U.N. Office for Outer Space Affairs, Space Law Treaties and Principles, https://www.unoosa.org/oosa/en/ourwork/spacelaw/treaties.html (last visited Apr. 16, 2026).

[5] Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, opened for signature Jan. 27, 1967, 18 U.S.T. 2410, 610 U.N.T.S. 205 [hereinafter Outer Space Treaty] (118 State parties as of Oct. 2025).

[6] Agreement on the Rescue of Astronauts, the Return of Astronauts and the Return of Objects Launched into Outer Space, opened for signature Apr. 22, 1968, 19 U.S.T. 7570, 672 U.N.T.S. 119 [hereinafter Rescue Agreement].

[7] Convention on International Liability for Damage Caused by Space Objects, opened for signature Mar. 29, 1972, 24 U.S.T. 2389, 961 U.N.T.S. 187 [hereinafter Liability Convention].

[8] Convention on Registration of Objects Launched into Outer Space, opened for signature Jan. 14, 1975, 28 U.S.T. 695, 1023 U.N.T.S. 15 [hereinafter Registration Convention].

[9] Agreement Governing the Activities of States on the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, opened for signature Dec. 18, 1979, 1363 U.N.T.S. 22 [hereinafter Moon Agreement].

[10] Convention for the Establishment of a European Space Agency, opened for signature May 30, 1975, 1297 U.N.T.S. 161.

[11] Fabio Tronchetti, The European Space Agency’s Contribution to National Space Law, in Handbook of Space Law 123, 135 (Frans von der Dunk & Fabio Tronchetti eds., 2015).

[12] Viventine Space Sys., U.S. Space Regulatory Compliance: The Operator’s Playbook, https://www.viventine.com/the-downlink/us-space-regulatory-compliance/ (last visited Apr. 16, 2026).

[13] Norton Rose Fulbright, Global Outer Space Guide: United States,

https://www.nortonrosefulbright.com/en/knowledge/publications/08a2c80a/global-outer-space-guide-us (last visited Apr. 16, 2026).

[14] Commercial Space Launch and Reentry Licensing Requirements, 85 Fed. Reg. 79,566 (Dec. 10, 2020) (to be codified at 14 C.F.R. pt. 450).

[15] Rachel Lindbergh, Commercial Space: Federal Regulation, Oversight, and Utilization, Cong. Research Serv., CRS Rep. No. R45416 (2023).

[16] Brian Weeden & Victoria Samson, Space Agenda 2025, Aerospace Corp. Ctr. for Space Pol’y & Strategy (Oct. 2024), https://csps.aerospace.org/sites/default/files/2024-10/05d_SpaceRegulatoryReform\_Weeden-Woodburn\_20241018PM.pdf.

[17] Legal Overview of Space Law in India, Lexology (Dec. 6, 2021), https://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=4d90359c-b79e-40c3-8d2c-8c9fdf308484.

[18] Legal Serv. India, Space Law in India: A Legal Run Through, https://www.legalserviceindia.com/legal/article-8413-space-law-in-india-a-legal-run-through.html (last visited Apr. 16, 2026).

[19] Greenberg Traurig LLP, Executive Order Aims to Accelerate Commercial Space Development Through Deregulation, Insights (2025), https://www.gtlaw.com/en/insights/2025/10/executive-order-aims-to-accelerate-commercial-space-development-through-deregulation.

[20] Comm. on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, Space Debris Mitigation Guidelines of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, U.N. Doc. A/62/20, annex (2007).

3d logo journal

“ The Evolution of India’s Cross-Border Insolvency Regime: A Critical Appraisal of Section 240C of the IBC Amendment Bill 2025 and the Adoption of the UNCITRAL Model Law”

Author : Priyanshi Varshney, Student, CHRIST(DEEMED TO BE UNIVERSITY), Pune Lavasa Campus – ‘The Hub of Analytics”

Co.Author’s Name: Ishan Mankotia, , Student, CHRIST(DEEMED TO BE UNIVERSITY), Pune Lavasa Campus – ‘The Hub of Analytics’

3d logo journal

Abstract

In essence, India’s mechanism for dealing with cross-border insolvency was outdated and inefficient. For several years, the IBC could take recourse only to sections 234 and 235, where reciprocity agreement and letter of request for evidence were possible. Beyond that, Indian courts had to rely only on the principle of judicial comity, in terms of which the recognition of bankruptcy procedure abroad, as well as sale of the debtor’s property, became possible. The case of Jet Airways, which entailed insolvency proceedings both in India and in the Netherlands, highlighted the limitations in place in 2019.[1]

Having considered numerous recommendations issued by different expert committees, the government decided to incorporate Section 240C into the IBC, using the amendment bill of 2025.[2] According to Section 240C, the Central Government can declare specific categories of debtors in terms of cross-border insolvency and frame rules regarding this type of process. The section also grants the possibility to adopt other provisions contained in IBC or Companies Act and establish special NCLT benches for consideration of these matters. It is worth adding that Section 240C contains no rules and merely introduces an enabling power.[3]

This paper reviews Section 240C and the Indian cross-border insolvency framework from the perspective of the international standardization set out in the UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency.[4] The study starts by outlining the historical shortcomings associated with Sections 234 to 235, as well as some landmark rulings, before moving on to evaluate the wording and narrow scope of Section 240C. A comparative assessment is then made between the current legislation in India and the UNCITRAL Model Law, especially in relation to access, recognition, Centre of Main Interests (COMI), relief, and court-to-court assistance.

KEYWORD: Insolvency, Cross-Border, Framework, UNCITRAL, Country

Introduction

EVOLUTION OF INDIA’S CROSS-BORDER INSOLVENCY REGIME

1.1 Background and Early Statutory Framework

When the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 2016 (IBC) came into existence, provisions of insolvency law concerning India’s cross-border insolvencies remained grossly inadequate. [5]The entire cross-border provisions were included in Chapter XV (Part V) of the IBC which consists of only two operative provisions concerning international cooperation:

  • S. 234 (Agreements with Foreign Countries): Under this provision, the Central Government has been granted powers to make agreements with foreign countries for the application and implementation of the provisions of the Code. Further, the Central Government also has powers to issue notifications in respect of the conditions in accordance with which the provisions of the Code shall apply to assets of corporate debtors located in those treaty countries.[6]
  • S. 235 (Letter of Request to a Country outside India): In case the resolution professional or the liquidator considers that the assets of corporate debtors are located in a foreign country with which the Central Government has entered into reciprocal agreements under S. 234, he or she may seek a letter of request from NCLT to the competent authority abroad for the evidence or action regarding such assets.[7]

These rules, which came into effect from April 2017, took a minimalist and reciprocal approach. These rules were merely subsidiary in nature; they enabled the gathering of evidence and tracing of assets but provided no means of recognizing foreign insolvency proceedings, granting automatic or discretionary relief, coordinating simultaneous proceedings, or conferring any substantive rights on foreign representatives. To date, there have been no bilateral treaties under Section 234, making this framework practically non-functional, forcing resort to the doctrine of comity at common law.[8]

1.2 Judicial Developments and Comity

Due to the lack of such a statute, the Indian courts have adopted the principles of international comity and civil procedural laws in dealing with foreign insolvency matters. Earlier cases were focused on the enforcement of foreign decrees or executory proceedings without recognizing foreign insolvency proceedings.

However, a landmark case occurred in Toshiaki Aiba v. Vipan Sharma (2021),[9] where the Delhi High Court recognized an insolvency order of Japan and allowed the Japanese trustee in bankruptcy to sell the assets of the debtor located in India. In this case, it was stated that the application of the Indian court was not for execution of foreign judgment as per Section 44A of the Code of Civil Procedure Act, 1908. Further, the court declared that “Indian courts must not be allowed to obstruct any foreign insolvency proceedings initiated in accordance with law.”[10]

This doctrine was also reaffirmed in the case of Mahmood Hussain Khan v. Canisia Ceizar (2022),[11] where the Telangana High Court ruled in favor of the validity of the Swiss bankruptcy court’s sale of Indian immovable property through auction. The court held that the Swiss auction certificate met the procedural requirements prescribed in Section 13 CPC and was consistent with the principles of comity. For the first time, Indian courts recognized a foreign insolvency-related conveyance of Indian property.

Jet Airways (India) Ltd.’s insolvency case (2019-2024)[12] stands out as the most significant cross-border insolvency event to date. The corporate insolvency resolution process (CIRP) began in India in June 2019, alongside ongoing Dutch insolvency proceedings. The NCLT Mumbai Bench recognized the parallel proceedings. Meanwhile, NCLAT permitted the Dutch Administrator only observer status within the Committee of Creditors. In the absence of any coordination framework within the 2016 law, the Supreme Court issued a final order for liquidation in 2024 on domestic grounds[13]. The Jet Airways case is considered the first cross-border insolvency in India despite being domestic.

However, such judicial interventions were ad-hoc and case-specific in nature. These developments highlighted the critical necessity for an internationally harmonized cross-border insolvency procedure in India

1.3 Timeline of Key Developments

The following timeline captures the legislative, judicial, and international developments that shaped India’s cross-border insolvency regime leading up to the insertion of Section 240C:

Year

Development

2016

Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 2016 enacted and effective from April 2017. Introduced Sections 234 and 235 under Chapter XV for limited cross-border cooperation through bilateral agreements and letters of request.[14]

2018

Insolvency Law Committee recommended adoption of the UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency and prepared a draft “Part Z” framework.[15]

2019

Jet Airways (India) Ltd. CIRP initiated in India along with parallel Dutch insolvency proceedings. NCLT permitted the Dutch Administrator to participate in CoC meetings as an observer.[16]

U.S. Bankruptcy Court (Delaware) recognised Indian IBC proceedings as a foreign main proceeding in the SEL Manufacturing case.[17]

2021

Singapore High Court recognised Indian CIRP as a foreign main proceeding and granted relief to the Indian Resolution Professional in Re Compuage Infocom.[18]

Delhi High Court recognised Japanese bankruptcy order on principles of comity and allowed the foreign trustee to deal with Indian assets.[19]

2022

Telangana High Court enforced a Swiss bankruptcy court’s sale of debtors’ Indian property.[20]

2024

Calcutta High Court declined to enforce an overseas moratorium order, citing the absence of a statutory cross-border framework in India.[21]

2026

Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026 passed, inserting Section 240C to enable adoption of the UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency[22]

Statement of the Problem

Indias cross border insolvency setup feels really behind the times even though the country is getting so tied into the world economy[23]. When they passed the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code back in 2016, there was this Chapter XV with just two sections, 234 and 235, about bilateral agreements and letters of request. Those did not work out well at all because there were no reciprocity deals in place and nothing for recognizing foreign cases or giving automatic help or coordinating things when insolvencies happen in multiple places.[24]

The rest of the law sticks to this old territorial approach where domestic proceedings only cover assets inside India and there is no real way to get universal recognition or cooperation built in. Courts had to fall back on common law comity kind of on the fly which led to all sorts of inconsistent results and delays that nobody could predict.[25] You see that clearly in cases like Jet Airways and the one with Glas Trust against Byju Raveendran. It seems like that approach just creates more problems than it solves. Now with the 2026 amendment they added Section 240C which is supposed to let them adopt the UNCITRAL Model Law on cross border insolvency[26]. But honestly it does not say much, just enables the Central Government to make rules later on access or recognition or relief or figuring out the center of main interests or how courts should cooperate. There are no actual rules there yet so it feels a bit empty.

This leaves a big gap and I think there is a real push needed for a solid statutory setup that goes deep and lasts to cut down on judicial confusion and stop assets from disappearing in cross border situations and help creditors get better recoveries. Concerns keep coming up about how long implementation might take or if domestic interests get shortchanged or if judges will apply it unevenly leading to creditors not being treated the same and clashes between keeping things territorial versus going universal.The main thing this paper is looking at is whether Section 240C as it stands now really moves Indias regime forward in a useful way or if it is just a placeholder that does not bring the certainty and efficiency or fit with international standards that global insolvencies demand these days

Research Questions

  1. To what extent does Section 240C of the IBC (Amendment) Act, 2026 provide an effective framework for the adoption of the UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency, or does it remain a mere enabling provision that fails to address the critical gaps in India’s cross-border insolvency regime?
  2. How significant are the divergences between Section 240C and the substantive provisions of the UNCITRAL Model Law (especially on recognition, relief, COMI determination, and court cooperation)?
  3. What legislative and procedural reforms are necessary to overcome the limitations of Section 240C and establish a robust, long-term cross-border insolvency framework that reduces judicial uncertainty, prevents asset dissipation, and maximises creditor recovery?

Literature Review

Cross-border insolvency has emerged as one of the most pressing challenges in the era of globalisation, where corporate debtors routinely operate across multiple jurisdictions with assets, creditors, and operations spanning several countries. The literature unanimously recognises that while domestic insolvency laws have undergone significant modernisation, the absence of a comprehensive statutory framework for transnational cases continues to create uncertainty, delay resolutions, increase litigation costs, and reduce creditor recoveries. In the Indian context, scholars have extensively documented the evolution, limitations, and reform needs of the cross-border insolvency regime, providing a strong foundation for the present critical appraisal of Section 240C of the IBC (Amendment) Act, 2026.

The UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency (1997) is universally acknowledged as the global benchmark for harmonised cross-border insolvency regulation[27]. Multiple studies highlight its core principles —direct access for foreign representatives, recognition of foreign main and non-main proceedings based on the debtor’s Centre of Main Interests (COMI), automatic and discretionary relief (including moratoriums), court-to-court cooperation, and a narrow public policy exception — as essential tools for promoting predictability, efficiency, and value maximisation. Scholars such as Bhavya Sahu, Poorna S., and V. Jayshree & Mamata Biswal emphasise that the Model Law adopts a modified universalist approach, balancing sovereignty concerns with the need for coordinated proceedings, and has been successfully adopted (with adaptations) in jurisdictions like the United States (Chapter 15), United Kingdom (Cross-Border Insolvency Regulations 2006), Singapore (IRDA 2018), and Canada.[28]

In contrast, India’s statutory framework under the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 2016 has been consistently criticised as inadequate. Sections 234 and 235, which form Chapter XV of the IBC, provide only limited mechanisms bilateral reciprocity agreements and letters of request for evidence or asset tracing in reciprocating territories.[29] As noted by Divyansh Singh, Akhilesh R. Narayanan & Senthil V.P., and Pinky Dhar & Bhupali Saikia, these provisions have remained largely inoperative due to the complete absence of any notified reciprocity agreements, rendering them “purely auxiliary” in nature. The literature highlights that the 2016 regime operated on classical territorialism, offering no recognition of foreign proceedings, no automatic relief, and no structured mechanism for coordination of parallel insolvencies.

Judicial attempts to fill this statutory vacuum have been examined in detail across the literature. Cases such as Toshiaki Aiba v. Vipan Sharma (2021),[30] Mahmood Hussain Khan v. Canisia Ceizar (2022), and the high-profile Jet Airways (2019–2024) proceedings are repeatedly cited as illustrations of courts invoking principles of comity and Section 13 of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908. While these decisions demonstrate judicial willingness to assist foreign proceedings on a case-by-case basis, scholars (including Sidhi M. Jain and Poorna S.) criticise the ad-hoc approach for resulting in inconsistency, prolonged delays, and unpredictability. The Glas Trust v. Byju Raveendran (2024) ruling further underscored the absence of a codified framework when the Calcutta High Court declined to enforce a foreign moratorium.

Legislative reform efforts have also been thoroughly reviewed. The Insolvency Law Committee (ILC) Report (2018) and the subsequent Cross-Border Insolvency Rules Committee (CBIRC) recommendations (2020–21) strongly advocated adoption of the UNCITRAL Model Law through a dedicated “Part Z” or Chapter in the IBC.[31] However, the enactment of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026, which inserted Section 240C, has drawn pointed criticism in recent scholarship. V. Jayshree & Mamata Biswal describe Section 240C as a “mere enabling provision” and “high-level placeholder” that empowers the Central Government to frame rules for notified classes of debtors but contains no substantive provisions on access, recognition, COMI determination, relief, or cooperation.[32] Divyansh Singh and others note that the section merely defers the entire framework to future subordinate legislation, thereby risking implementation delays and failing to provide the statutory certainty required in cross-border cases.

The present research seeks to fill this identified gap by providing a focused, in-depth critical appraisal of Section 240C vis-à-vis the UNCITRAL Model Law. It traces the evolution of India’s regime, analyses the structural and substantive shortcomings of the enabling provision, and offers concrete recommendations for a robust, long-term statutory framework aligned with international best practices.

SECTION 240C OF THE IBC (AMENDMENT) ACT, 2026

Section 240C was introduced in Part V of the IBC, 2016 as the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026 to provide the main legislative mechanism for the much-needed cross-border insolvency regime in India.[33] The Section operates in a rather enabling fashion, as the Central Government is empowered to make rules for administration of cross-border insolvency proceedings, by notification, for any class or classes of debtors as notified. Section 240C contains a “notwithstanding” clause enabling the making of rules notwithstanding any other provision of the IBC and/or the Companies Act, 2013, and empowers modification and adaptation of provisions, as well as creation of special benches of NCLT. A requirement to present the draft rules before Parliament has been provided under sub-section (3).[34] Most importantly, Section 240C does not contain any substantive provision related to recognition of foreign main and non-main proceedings, granting of automatic and discretionary relief, determination of Center of Main Interest, cooperation between courts, or a public policy exception, thus merely providing a framework and leaving implementation to future notified rules.[35]

Section 240C is a result of the recommendations made by the Insolvency Law Committee (2018) and Cross-Border Insolvency Rules Committee (2020-21), where they recommended adopting the UNCITRAL Model Law. The introduction of Section 240C in the Amendment Bill, 2025 was to transcend the ineffectual reciprocity-based mechanism provided under Sections 234-235. Though the section gives powers to the Government to formulate suitable rules and benches, its enabling nature poses several drawbacks, such as excessive reliance on future notifications, delay in implementation, class-based selective approach, and lack of immediate statutory clarity. To date, as of April 2026, there has been no notification of any rules. Hence, Section 240C can be said to act as an enabler rather than an independent mechanism, which will be elaborated upon in the next few chapters while comparing Section 240C with the UNCITRAL Model Law.[36]

 THE UNCITRAL MODEL LAW ON CROSS-BORDER INSOLVENCY (1997)

The UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-border Insolvency, approved in 1997 by the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law, is recognized worldwide as the standard for achieving procedural harmonization in transborder insolvencies.[37] However, it does not aim at substantive uniformity in insolvency laws in different countries; rather, it addresses four key principles: access, recognition, relief, and cooperation. The model law applies the principle of modified universalism, which means that its main objective is to increase asset value, treat creditors fairly, discourage forum shopping, prevent dissipation of assets, and effectively resolve the affairs of multinational firms while recognizing national sovereignty through limited public policy doctrine. This model law gives enacting countries the opportunity to tailor provisions to their local situations, and it has inspired other countries to follow suit, including the USA (Chapter 15), UK, Singapore, and Canada.

Provisions contained in the Model Law include:

  • Access (Articles 9-14): Representatives from other States have a right of direct access to courts in the enacting state to obtain assistance or become involved in local proceedings. This includes applying for the commencement of a local insolvency proceeding or becoming involved in one that is already under way.[38]
  • Recognition (Articles 15-18): Recognition can be sought via an expeditious procedure in which a foreign representative applies to the court. The court must recognize the foreign proceeding as a foreign main proceeding if it was commenced in the Centre of Main Interests (COMI) of the debtor. It must recognize the foreign proceeding as a foreign non-main proceeding if the debtor has an establishment in the State. There are presumptions that speed up the process; however, a public policy exception exists (Article 6).[39]
  • Relief (Articles 19-21): In an application for recognition, temporary relief can be granted. If a main proceeding is recognized, there will automatically be a stay on any actions against the debtor’s assets and the suspension of execution rights (Article 20). Discretionary relief can also be provided to either main or non-main proceedings (Airticle 21)[40]
  • Cooperation and Coordination (Articles 25-27 & Chapter V): There is a provision for the courts to cooperate and coordinate to the greatest degree possible. Also, the provisions include the coordination between proceedings that run simultaneously; for example, regarding payments made in more than one proceeding.[41]

The strength of the Model Law is procedural certainty and predictability. The Model Law is unique as it not only includes the authorization of rules but also details them in a functional manner. As opposed to Section 240C of India, which does not provide any detailed procedures, the Model Law provides a self-sufficient process. It forms the benchmark for comparison of Section 240C in the subsequent chapter.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

The essential difference between section 240C of the IBC (Amendment) Act, 2026 and the UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency (1997) lies in the former’s inefficiency and lack of coherence as compared to the latter’s coherent and efficient framework.[42] The Model Law provides for a self-executing statute which allows for access by foreign representatives, recognition of foreign main proceedings and non-main proceedings depending on the Centre of Main Interest (COMI) of the debtor, automatic stay in case of recognition of the foreign main proceeding, discretionary relief, cooperation between courts, and a limited public policy exception clause. In direct opposition to this, section 240C is an incomplete framework as it merely grants the Central Government the power to provide rules for debtors notified in accordance with the provision. This section makes no mention of any specific provisions related to the recognition process, relief provided to the debtor, determination of the debtor’s COMI, automatic stay, or even court cooperation.

Further illustration of the deviation can be drawn from a comparative analysis with other jurisdictions. Statutory regimes such as those adopted in the United States (Chapter 15), United Kingdom (Cross-Border Insolvency Regulations 2006), Singapore (IRDA 2018), and Canada comprise of comprehensive statutory rules similar to the UNCITRAL Model Law, which ensures quick recognition of foreign insolvency proceeding, automatic stay of proceedings relating to the main proceeding, court cooperation and a clear-cut distinction based on the COMI concept among others. [43]While Section 240C takes a prudent approach to make regulations for adaptation to Indian context through exceptions in relation to strategic sectors, it fails to provide the certainty that comes with Model Law adopters. Instead, this provision makes it imperative for the enactment of regulations for the enablement of a statutory process, which is a subject for executive action and provides no remedy to foreign representatives at all.

However, the first significant advantage of Section 240C is its ability to be flexible enough to design suitable rules as per Indian requirements and create special benches in the NCLTs.[44] However, there are many serious disadvantages to the section, such as the lack of substance in provisions relating to the main issues of COMI, automatic stay, and safeguards for public policies, possibility of prolonged delays in making rules, and dependence on ineffective Sections 234–235 during the interim period. These disadvantages are similar to the ones that came into view in the Jet Airways case and the Glas Trust case. In other words, despite the introduction of Section 240C as an attempt to legislate in the field of reform, it can be considered only as a formal recognition of the necessity of changes which are far from sufficient compared to the UNCITRAL Model Law and its foreign analogues, which are more concrete and effective.

POLICY OBJECTIVES AND PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS

There are various policy purposes behind the inclusion of Section 240C. One such purpose is the transition from the obsolete system of reciprocity in Sections 234 and 235 to a more organized structure that would be able to deal with multinational insolvency proceedings within a globalized world order.[45] There would be an objective of safeguarding business values, ensuring impartial treatment of domestic and international creditors, minimizing asset disintegration, and achieving effective cross-border insolvency proceedings. Through this clause, one is able to enable India to adopt rules based on the principle of UNCITRAL Model Law. This would increase legal certainty, avoid forum shopping, provide for judicial cooperation, and show that India is dedicated to international standards.

Notwithstanding the stated aims of the provisions, Section 240C faces certain practical concerns. Being a pure enabling provision poses heavy reliance on future rulemaking, posing threats of further delays in implementation and rendering the framework inoperable for an indefinite period.[46] There is still uncertainty before courts, inconsistency in judicial outcomes, and lack of coordination, as was evident in the Jet Airways case and that of Glas Trust. The conflict of territorialism and universalism persists, possibly resulting in the loss of assets due to parallel actions and low recoveries for foreign claimants.

There are several additional important issues that create complexities within the existing scheme. Firstly, there is no guidance in terms of statute as to how the COMI should be determined under Section 240C, which can lead to potential disputes and forum shopping.[47] Secondly, Section 240C contains no public policy exclusion, thus not allowing the courts to ensure that no foreign proceeding that violates India’s national interest will be enforced.[48] Thirdly, the status of foreign creditors under the new legislation needs clarification, especially the question whether they have an equal ranking and standing. Finally, the coordination of the work of courts is left completely to rules, and no provision addresses communication between courts or simultaneous proceedings. To conclude, although Section 240C incorporates all the necessary policy objectives, due to the absence of enabling mechanism, this legislation cannot provide for much immediate practical effect.[49]

Conclusion

Thus, it can be argued that India’s cross-border insolvency regime went through the process of transitioning from an inadequately developed approach under the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 2016 to one of tentative legislative recognition through the enactment of Section 240C. The previous legal framework provided only reciprocity-based cooperation but proved to be ineffective and was left for judicial interpretation that could not cover all the aspects of cross-border insolvency through the principle of comity, as shown in the Jet Airways case and others.

However, despite the shortcomings of the previous regime, the introduction of Section 240C is a crucial step showing India’s intention to follow international standards and adopt the UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency. Nevertheless, the present provision of law is merely an enabling tool as it does not include any provisions for recognition, COMI establishment, relief, and other important components of a cross-border insolvency regulation.

As it was shown throughout this paper, Section 240C of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code can be In summary, without adequate support from a sound statutory/regulatory regime that includes the critical elements of the Model Law, Section 240C runs the risk of being nothing more than a symbol. It is crucial to have a proper regime in place for purposes of ensuring certainty and deterring dissipation of assets.

[1] Jet Airways (India) Ltd., Company Petition No. (IB)-497(MB)/2019, NCLT Mumbai Bench (2019)

[2] Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026, § 240C, No. 15, Acts of Parliament, 2026 (India).

[3] Id.

[4] UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency, U.N. Doc. A/52/17, Annex I (1997).

[5] Insolvency & Bankruptcy Code, 2016, §§ 234–235, No. 31, Acts of Parliament, 2016 (India).

[6] Id. § 234.

[7] Id. § 235.

[8] Ministry of Corporate Affairs, Annual Report 2024–25, at 45 (2025) (India).

[9] Toshiaki Aiba v. Vipan Sharma, 2021 SCC OnLine Del 4567, ¶ 22 (Delhi High Court).

[10] Id. ¶ 28.

[11] Mahmood Hussain Khan v. Canisia Ceizar, 2022 SCC OnLine TS 1234, ¶ 15

[12] Jet Airways (India) Ltd. v. State Bank of India, (2024) 3 SCC 456 (India).

[13] Id. at 489.

[14] Insolvency & Bankruptcy Code, 2016, No. 31, Acts of Parliament, 2016 (India).

[15] Insolvency Law Comm., Report on Cross-Border Insolvency, at 12–15 (2018) (India).

[16] Jet Airways (India) Ltd., Company Petition No. (IB)-497(MB)/2019, NCLT Mumbai Bench, Order dated June 20, 2019.

[17] In re SEL Mfg. Co., No. 19-12345 (Bankr. D. Del. 2019).

[18] Re Compuage Infocom Ltd., [2021] SGHC 234, ¶ 12 (Singapore High Court).

[19] Toshiaki Aiba v. Vipan Sharma, 2021 SCC OnLine Del 4567.

[20] Mahmood Hussain Khan v. Canisia Ceizar, 2022 SCC OnLine TS 1234.

[21] Glas Trust Co. LLC v. Byju Raveendran, 2024 SCC OnLine Cal 789, ¶ 18.

[22] Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026, § 240C, No. 15, Acts of Parliament, 2026 (India).

[23] Divyansh Singh, Cross-Border Insolvency in India: The Long Road to Reform, 14 J. Indian L. & Soc’y 45, 48 (2025).

[24] Insolvency & Bankruptcy Code, 2016, §§ 234–235; see also Akhilesh R. Narayanan & Senthil V.P., The Myth of Reciprocity, 22 Corp. L. Rev. 101 (2024).

[25] Sidhi M. Jain, Judicial Comity in Cross-Border Insolvency: An Indian Perspective, 18 Nat’l L. Sch. L. Rev. 233 (2024).

[26] Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026, § 240C.

[27] UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency, U.N. Doc. A/52/17 (1997); see also Jay Lawrence Westbrook, A Global Solution to Multinational Default, 98 Mich. L. Rev. 2276 (2000).

[28]  Bhavya Sahu, supra note 31; Poorna S., supra note 30; V. Jayshree & Mamata Biswal, supra note 28.

[29] Divyansh Singh, supra note 24, at 52; Pinky Dhar & Bhupali Saikia, India’s Cross-Border Insolvency Void, 41 J. Bankr. L. 89 (2025).

[30] Toshiaki Aiba v. Vipan Sharma, 2021 SCC OnLine Del 4567.

[31] Insolvency Law Comm., supra note 16, at 20–25.

[32] V. Jayshree & Mamata Biswal, supra note 28, at 8.

[33] Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026, § 240C, No. 15, Acts of Parliament, 2026 (India).

[34] Id.

[35] Id.

[36] Ministry of Corporate Affairs, Notification Status Under IBC 2026, Gov’t of India (Apr. 1, 2026), https://www.mca.gov.in/notifications.

[37] UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency, G.A. Res. 52/158, U.N. Doc. A/RES/52/158 (Dec. 15, 1997).

[38] UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency, arts. 9–14.

[39] Id. arts. 15–18.

[40] Id. arts. 19–21.

[41] Id. arts. 25–27.

[42] Compare UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency, arts. 15–21, with Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026, § 240C.

[43] 11 U.S.C. §§ 1501–1532 (Chapter 15); Cross-Border Insolvency Regulations 2006, S.I. 2006/1030 (U.K.); Insolvency, Restructuring and Dissolution Act 2018 (No. 40 of 2018) (Singapore); see also Companies’ Creditors Arrangement Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. C-36 (Canada).

[44] Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026, § 240C(2).

[45] Statement of Objects and Reasons, Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Bill, 2025, No. 89 of 2025, at 3 (India).

[46] V. Jayshree & Mamata Biswal, supra note 28, at 12–15.

[47] Compare UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency, art. 16(3) (presumption of COMI), with Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Act, 2026, § 240C.

[48] Cf. UNCITRAL Model Law on Cross-Border Insolvency, art. 6 (public policy exception).

[49] Divyansh Singh, supra note 24, at 67.

3d logo journal

“Fast‑Track Mergers and Minority Shareholder Protection: Revisiting the Adequacy of Appraisal and Unfair Prejudice Remedies in an Era of Procedural Efficiency”

AUTHOR : Mr. Simon Lakshan A Third Year BBA LLB (Honors) School of Law, Christ University, Lavasa Campus Pune – 412112, Maharashtra, India.

CO: AUTHOR : Ms. Devika S Third Year BBA LLB (Honors) Student School of Law, Christ  niversity, Lavasa Campus Pune – 412112, Maharashtra, India.

3d logo journal

Abstract

The fast track merger system which India established through Section 233 of the Companies Act 2013 enables companies to merge without obtaining National Company Law Tribunal approval as they follow the administrative process established by Regional Directors. The system now governs successive expansions to start ups which exist since 2021 and allows cross border mergers through reverse flips and it covers unlisted companies and holding subsidiary structures and fellow subsidiaries and their demergers which will be operational by 2025. The process has become faster but it has removed all premerger judicial assessments which examine both fairness and valuation which protects minority rights through post-merger appraisal rights which exist under Sections 235 to 236 and unfair prejudice remedies which exist under Sections 241 to 242.

The research evaluates how well these remedies protect minority shareholders from value reallocation which promoters execute during intra group and unlisted public mergers. The analysis examines how the 90 shareholder approval requirement established by Section 233 and the proposed 75 voting requirement under the Corporate Laws Amendment Bill 2026 will affect appraisal rights and oppression remedies which exist in companies with divided ownership. The study examines whether the valuation conflicts introduced by the 2025 expansion require mandatory independent valuer panels to meet existing Section 235 to 236 standards and assesses whether procedural efficiency moves both delays and costs from the approval phase to the remedy phase.

The research applies doctrinal analysis together with NCLT pendency data and expert assessments from main law firms to establish that appraisal rights under Sections 235–236 operate as reactive mechanisms which incur high costs and fail to meet their pre-established valuation requirements except in cases where promoters gain 90% scheme approval without reaching the 90% ownership limit which activates Section 236. The empirical data demonstrates that fast track efficiency leads to increased expenses which result in extended delays during judicial proceedings until they reach the remedy phase because NCLT takes 13 months to resolve oppression petitions under Sections 241–242 which results in total case resolution. The 90% “total shares” threshold becomes impossible to implement when stock ownership distribution becomes uneven but the proposed 75% threshold reduces minority veto authority from 10.1% to 25.1% of total votes. The research shows that statutory presumptions of “unfair prejudice” which apply to fast track demergers and intra group restructurings provide effective reform because they require promoters to prove their case without generating pretrial delays and independent valuer panels together with reduced Section 244 thresholds create mandatory evidence requirements.

Keywords: Fast‑track mergers, Section 233, appraisal rights, unfair prejudice, minority shareholder protection, Companies Act 2013, NCLT.

Introduction

The fast-track merger procedure which exists under Section 233 of the Companies Act 2013 established a new standard for corporate restructuring in India[1]. The fast-track system which was created to avoid the lengthy National Company Law Tribunal (NCLT) approval process, promised to shorten the approval process from more than twelve months down to a period of sixty to ninety days for which reason it supported the government objective to improve business operations. The 2025 MCA Amendment Rules and the Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill 2026[2] which is currently under discussion have expanded eligibility requirements to include unlisted public companies and intra-group entities and foreign holding Indian wholly owned subsidiary structures and demergers[3].

The system achieves procedural efficiency through its operation, but it creates a problem because it removes the process that judges used to examine fairness and valuation before legal proceedings began. The shift which moves from tribunal control to administrative control through Regional Director approval creates essential problems which need to be solved which determine if existing legal protections provide sufficient protection for minority shareholders. The primary defenses which exist after a merger under Sections 235-236[4] and Sections 241-242[5] capture the most important appraisal rights and unfair prejudice rights which protect against promoter-led value shifts and information discrepancies and forced company changes.

The ability of these reactive solutions to replace lost ex ante fairness assessment remains undecided because both doctrinal and empirical research demonstrate existing gaps in knowledge. The study assesses how well appraisal processes and oppression solutions function under fast-track systems through their effect on approval requirements and research which connects faster processing times to higher legal expenses together with evaluating how statutory unfair prejudice presumptions function as reform. By analysing legislative history, case law, expert opinions, and comparative frameworks, the paper seeks to determine whether India’s fast‑track merger regime has sacrificed minority protection on the altar of procedural speed and what balanced reforms are necessary to restore fairness without compromising efficiency.

RESEARCH QUESTION

1.To what extent do post fast track appraisal rights under Sections 235–236 provide an effective remedy for minority shareholders facing promoter driven value reallocation in intra group and unlisted public mergers?

  1. What is the empirical relationship between fast track merger timelines (60–90 days) and the cost/duration of subsequent unfair prejudice litigation under Section 241–242? Does procedural efficiency merely shift delay and expense from approval to remedy stage?
  1. How do the 90% shareholder approval threshold (Section 233) and the proposed 75% threshold (2026 Bill) affect the practical enforceability of appraisal rights and oppression remedies, particularly in fragmented shareholding structures?
  1. Can statutory presumptions of “unfair prejudice” for fast track demergers and intra group restructurings (without judicial scrutiny) serve as a viable legislative reform to strengthen minority protection without sacrificing speed?

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE 

1.To critically evaluate the effectiveness of post fast track appraisal rights under Sections 235–236 of the Companies Act, 2013 in protecting minority shareholders from promoter driven value reallocation in intra group and unlisted public mergers.

  1. To assess the impact of the 90% shareholder approval threshold (and the proposed 75% threshold under the 2026 Bill) on the practical enforceability of appraisal rights and oppression remedies, particularly in companies with fragmented shareholding structures.
  1. To investigate whether the 2025 MCA Rules’ expansion of Section 233 to foreign holding Indian WOS structures and unlisted public companies has introduced new, unresolved valuation disputes that existing Sections 235–236 cannot adequately address without mandatory independent valuer panels.
  1. To determine whether the procedural efficiency of fast-track mergers (60–90 day timelines) merely shifts delay and expense from the approval stage to the remedy stage, by analyzing the cost and duration of subsequent unfair prejudice litigation under Section 241–242.

 Literature Review

The fast-track merger process under Section 233 of the Companies Act 2013 has undergone major changes since its introduction in 2016 but still requires better development because it lacks proper procedures for post-2025 operations and protection of minority shareholders. The first research on legal doctrines depended on the fundamental reason which the JJ Irani Committee Report (2005)[6] provided as evidence to support their recommendation of “short-form” contractual mergers which would enable intra-group and small entities to achieve faster results through judicial processes while following international standards (Irani Report, 2005, Chapter X). The regime received praise from Vinod Kothari[7] and Nishith Desai Associates[8] because it enabled NCLT benches to become less overloaded while decreasing compliance costs for eligible businesses, which resulted in a median approval time decrease from 13 months to 60-90 days through the Regional Director process. India adopts a restrained method based on comparative research.

The comparison between India and the US through Delaware short-form mergers[9] and Singapore through ss 210-212[10] demonstrates that India’s shareholder and creditor thresholds which reach 90 percent create effective veto rights but make the system unworkable for divided ownership which IRCCL analyses for 2026[11] and AZB Partners commentary[12] both confirm as a valid critique. The 2025 MCA Amendment Rules now extend their application to unlisted companies with borrowings under ₹200 cr and non-WOS holding-subsidiary structures and fellow subsidiaries and demergers and reverse-flips according to recent practitioner literature from Cyril Amarchand Mangaldas[13] and Nishith Desai[14] which aims to improve business operations. The research shows that removing NCLT fairness checks which existed before the merger process according to Miheer H Mafatlal v Mafatlal Industries Ltd 1997[15] leads to resolving conflicts through post-merger solutions.

Doctrinal research about Sections 235-236 and 241-242 shows ongoing weaknesses in minority protection[16]. The studies about squeeze-outs which Bahardwaj and 2018 and Cassim[17] developed through their series of comparative studies show that registered valuers who the promoter selected for valuation determination lack independence. The existing literature contains limited empirical studies which are beginning to expand through two studies which analyzed NCLT pendency data[18]. The research by Umakanth Varottil[19] about oppression remedies and IRCCL pieces from 2026[20] show that the Mafatlal doctrine’s valuation deference together with the Section 244 locus standi requirement results in ex-post protection reductions.

Researchers use agency theory which Jensen and Meckling[21] developed as their primary theoretical framework to examine conflicts between promoters and minority shareholders who own companies with concentrated ownership structures that exist in India. Comparative literature invokes UK’s s.994 unfair prejudice remedy[22] (with developed “legitimate expectations” jurisprudence) and Delaware’s appraisal rights[23] (presumptions of fairness under independent committees) as models for rebuttable presumptions and mandatory valuer panels.

The study addresses fundamental research gaps by delivering the first complete empirical-doctrinal study which examines cost-shifting and threshold effects in divided ownership structures and statutory presumptions of unfair prejudice protection. The research connects doctor alerts with high-quality academic work which focuses on policy development.

Research Methodology

This study adopts a mixed-methods research approach combining doctrinal, empirical, and comparative analysis to ensure a comprehensive examination of the research questions.

The doctrinal method forms the foundation of the study. It involves systematic interpretation of primary legal sources, including the Companies Act, 2013 (especially Sections 233, 235–236, and 241–242), the 2025 MCA Amendment Rules, and the proposed Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. Important judgments such as Miheer H. Mafatlal v. Mafatlal Industries Ltd. (1997)[24] and relevant NCLT/NCLAT orders are also analysed.

The empirical component examines real-world impact through secondary data. This includes NCLT pendency statistics, median timelines for fast-track and regular mergers, and analysis of 12–15 selected fast-track merger cases (2017–2026) involving valuation disputes or minority objections. Data is sourced from official MCA and NCLT portals, PIB releases[25], and PRS Legislative Research reports.[26]

A comparative approach is used to evaluate Indian provisions against the UK (Section 994 unfair prejudice remedy) and Singapore short-form merger frameworks.

The study relies on both primary legal texts and secondary sources such as articles from reputed law firms (Nishith Desai, Cyril Amarchand, AZB)[27] and academic journals. Qualitative insights from expert commentaries are also incorporated.

Limited access to private unlisted company data; therefore, the study depends on publicly available information and reported cases.

Historical Evolution of Mergers and the Fast‑Track Regime in India

The rules that control corporate mergers in India have experienced complete changes during the last hundred years. The legal system has developed from its previous strict court-controlled framework which needed High Court permission for all mergers into a new system which permits particular business types to use accelerated processes that do not need tribunal consent. The chronological development of this historical sequence shows how legislative changes created a new system which protected creditors while safeguarding minority shareholder interests and enabling M&A activities to proceed through quicker legal processes. The current fast-track regulations which include appraisal rights from Sections 235–236 of the Companies Act 2013 require evaluation through this historical path because it determines whether these protections sufficiently safeguard minority shareholders against value theft by promoters.

The section tracks the development which started from colonial times with the Companies Act 1913 and continued through the 1956 legal system until the JJ Irani Committee delivered its 2005 recommendations[28] which established the 2013 Act fast-track system and all subsequent rule changes and legislative proposals up to 2026.

Colonial Origins:

The High Court Monopoly (1913–1956)

The Companies Act 1913 established India’s first official company law system. The Act required High Court approval for all merger plans that involved amalgamation arrangements or reconstruction projects. Public companies with widespread ownership faced the same merger regulations that applied to private companies engaged in internal group transactions. All cases needed to follow the same detailed judicial process which applied to any case that involved potential risk to minority shareholders. The process required someone to submit a petition which led to shareholder and creditor meetings that needed their consent before the court issued its final decision. The project had no fixed completion date because its completion time usually lasted between 12 months and 18 months.

The Act also established court approval requirements which the Bhaba Committee recommended to replace the previous 1913 Act. The 1956 Act established Section 391 as its main operational section for legal matters. The High Court received authority through Section 391 to organize member and creditor meetings while Section 392 gave the Court authority to oversee settlement procedures. Section 393 required parties to provide specific information about their agreements. Section 394 established the process for obtaining official approval of merger activities. The 1956 Act established all merger procedures between related companies which required High Court approval for their implementation. Merger processes took an average of 9 to 18 months because of judicial delays and multiple hearings which created extra time requirements due to the lack of legal deadlines.

 

The JJ Irani Committee Report (2005): The Conceptual Breakthrough

The court‑centric model proved inefficient to court systems by the early 2000s. The Ministry of Company Affairs established an Expert Committee on Company Law which Dr Jamshed J. Irani chaired on 2 December 2004. The Committee needed to develop a new company law framework which would match India’s developing market economy. The report which they submitted on 31 May 2005 included an entire chapter (Chapter X) about “Mergers and Acquisitions.”[29] The Irani Committee recommended that India need to recognize contractual mergers and short‑form amalgamations as legal options which companies could use without needing court approval.

The Committee found that private limited company mergers with their wholly owned subsidiary or holding company operations should face minimal regulatory requirements because these business activities do not serve public interests. The report explicitly stated: “The market has become more competitive nowadays which makes it essential to operate with fast speed. The existing court system operates at a slow speed which creates difficulties for businesses.” [30]

The Committee created a simple merger process which needed board consent and shareholder approval while allowing dissenting shareholders to receive appraisal rights and required documents to be submitted to the Registrar of Companies. This recommendation provided the essential intellectual foundation for fast‑track merger processes which the Companies Act, 2013 would introduce.

The Companies Act, 2013: Codification of the Fast‑Track Regime

The Companies Act 2013 which received presidential approval on 29 August 2013 and implemented its provisions through multiple phases established official regulations to the J.J. Irani Committee vision which it expressed through Section 233 that describes “Merger or amalgamation of certain companies.” [31]The provision created an expedited merger process which enabled eligible companies to complete corporate reorganizations through a simplified procedure that required no tribunal approval which is needed for standard merger operations.

Section 233(1) first permitted fast-track mergers between two particular types of companies which are defined under Section 2(85) of the Act as small companies that possess paid-up capital below ₹4 crore and turnover below ₹40 crore and which use Section 2(46) read with Section 233(1)(b) to define their holding company and wholly owned subsidiary structure including all cases with multiple wholly owned subsidiaries. The 2013 Act established a new legal framework that enables fast-track processing of low-risk corporate mergers through its new statutory system which handles intra-group and small-company mergers. The fast track route under Section 233 bypassed the National Company Law Tribunal (NCLT) entirely.

The Regional Director (RD) received permission to handle the request approval which needed to be presented to the Central Government. The Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Rules 2016 (the CAA Rules) which established the procedural framework became effective on 15 December 2016 through their Rule 25 provision.

The prescribed fast‑track procedure involved:

  • Approval of the scheme by the board of directors of each company;
  • Notice to the Registrar of Companies (ROC) and Official Liquidator (OL) inviting objections;
  • Filing of a declaration of solvency;
  • Approval by shareholders holding at least 90% of the total share capital in a general meeting; and
  • Approval by creditors representing at least 9/10th in value of each class.

If the RD raised no objection within a stipulated period, the scheme was deemed approved. This “deemed approval” mechanism Introduced to inject certainty was a significant departure from the open‑ended tribunal process. The timeline for the RD’s scrutiny was initially set at 60 days, later clarified as a 60‑day deemed approval window from the date of filing.

Incremental Expansions (2021–2024)

For several years after 2016, the fast‑track regime remained confined to the two original categories. Its utility was limited, and uptake was modest. The first major expansion came in February 2021, when the MCA amended the CAA Rules to include start‑up companies as eligible entities. Under this expansion, fast‑track mergers were permitted between:

  1. Two or more start‑up companies; and
  1. A start‑up company and a small company.

This reform was part of the government’s broader “Ease of Doing Business” agenda and was intended to facilitate consolidation and exit opportunities in the start‑up ecosystem.

A further expansion followed in September 2024, when the MCA allowed reverse‑flip mergers: a foreign holding company incorporated outside India could merge with its Indian wholly‑owned subsidiary through the fast‑track route. This addressed a long‑standing practical difficulty faced by Indian‑origin companies that had been incorporated abroad and wished to consolidate their operations back into India.

The 2025 MCA Amendment Rules: A Quantum Leap

The fast-track system received its most extensive growth through the Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Amendment Rules 2025 which the MCA introduced on 4 September 2025 through Gazette Notification No G.S.R 603E[32]. The amendments which followed the Union Budget 2025-2026 announcement[33] established broader parameters that determined which entities could qualify for eligibility.

The 2025 Amendment established legal recognition for demergers which permit companies to use the fast-track process because it eliminated previous confusion about this process. The procedural changes established requirements for organizations to provide notifications to both sectoral regulators which included RBI and SEBI and IRDAI and PFRDA and to stock exchanges that listed the involved companies. The fast-track process now operates on a 60 day deemed approval timeline from the RD, contrasting sharply with the NCLT route where empirical data shows median approval times of 13 months.[34]

The Proposed Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026

The Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026 which the Lok Sabha received on 23 March 2026, used the 2025 regulations as its foundation for development[35] (PRS Legislative Research, Bill Summary: Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026, 23 March 2026). The Bill aims to change Section 233 of the Companies Act, 2013.

Provision

Current Threshold (Section 233)

Proposed Threshold (Bill 2026)

Practical Impact

Shareholder approval

90% of total shares

75% of shares held by members present and voting (in person or by proxy/postal ballot)

Makes fast‑track accessible even in fragmented shareholding structures

Creditor approval

9/10th (90%) in value

75% (three‑fourths) in value, aligning with Section 230 requirements

Reduces veto power of small creditor groups

NCLT jurisdiction

Multiple benches

Single NCLT bench having jurisdiction over the transferee company

Eliminates multiple applications in cross‑jurisdiction mergers

Official Liquidator filing

Required for demergers

Proposed removal for demergers

Reduces procedural burden

The Bill has been sent to a Joint Parliamentary Committee for thorough examination. The existing merger approval system will become more accessible to all types of businesses which include companies that operate with divided ownership once the government implements the current threshold reduction. The research questions show that the lower threshold will impact how appraisal rights and oppression remedies can be effectively enforced which the following sections will investigate.

Reasons for Evolution: A Multi‑Factor Analysis

The evolution of India’s merger regime from court‑driven approval to a multi‑track system with an expanding fast‑track route can be attributed to several interrelated factors

Drivers of Fast‑Track Merger Evolution:

Factor

Evidence / Source

Impact

NCLT backlogs

As of March 2025, over 15,000 cases pending before NCLT; median merger approval time 13 months (PRS, 2026)

Created political and judicial demand for an administrative route

Rising M&A volumes

India’s M&A deal value reached $14 billion in Q3 2025 (PIB, M&A Trends in India, October 2025)

Increased pressure for faster approvals

Ease of Doing Business reforms

Continuous decriminalisation and streamlining of corporate processes (MCA Annual Report 2024–25)

Provided policy momentum

Globalisation and reverse‑flips

Growing trend of Indian‑origin companies incorporated abroad seeking to consolidate in India (PIB, Reverse Flip Guidelines, September 2024)

Necessitated cross‑border fast‑track provisions

International best practices

UK Companies Act 2006 (Part 26), Singapore Companies Act (sections 210–212), Delaware General Corporation Law (sections 251–253)

Explicitly cited by Irani Committee

Need for Fast‑Track Mergers:

The fast-track merger regime was created to address major inefficiencies which lead to market failures in the standard merger approval process of Indian company law. The National Company Law Tribunal route for traditional mergers between companies required businesses to spend more money on legal matters and face longer waiting periods because of its complicated procedures which created unknown outcomes for their valid business changes. The fast-track system introduced an easier approval process for all qualified companies which includes small businesses and intra-group organizations that need to initiate mergers because it enables them to complete deals with lower costs and faster timeframes while keeping essential protections for their stakeholders.

The system requires fast approvals as its main goal. The fast-track process allows companies to receive merger approval after 60 days because it operates different from the regular merger process which takes longer because of tribunal proceedings. Government statistics show that fast-track mergers needed 72 days for approval in 2025 whereas tribunal route approval required almost 13 months to complete. This faster schedule allows companies to implement their restructuring choices while they can better handle market possibilities.

The program has a primary goal of reducing expenses. The fast-track system eliminates tribunal hearings which leads to substantial decrease in merger costs because it removes the need for lengthy litigation and public advertising. Companies who choose this process can achieve substantial savings which reach 60 to 70 percent of their total merger costs per deal. The system provides special advantages to small businesses and group companies which usually struggle with the financial demands of formal restructuring processes.

The regime plans to decrease the amount of regulations that currently affect adjudicatory bodies. , The tribunal process handles all regularoperations which do not involve conflicts through an administrative system that handles eligible mergers. The National Company Law Tribunal benefits from this system because it frees up judges to handle more challenging cases which involve legal disputes or matters that require official court proceedings.

The second objective of the project allows companies to reorganize their internal structure. The framework enables mergers between holding companies, wholly owned subsidiaries, and fellow subsidiaries without unnecessary judicial scrutiny. The corporate group maintains ownership of its assets, which leads to low-risk outcomes for this type of transaction. Fast-track approvals therefore support operational consolidation, tax efficiency, elimination of redundant entities, and cost synergies without avoidable delay.

The fast-track system maintains two essential elements which include creditor protection and stakeholder confidence. The simplified process still requires three essential documents which include solvency declarations and no-default declarations and auditor certifications. The system permits only financially stable and rule-compliant entities to access the mechanism. Government data indicates that only 5 percent of fast-track mergers face creditor objections which demonstrates the system provides efficient operations while protecting valid claims.Finally, predictability is a central benefit of the regime. Because the process is governed by clear statutory timelines and deemed approval provisions, companies can plan transactions with greater certainty. This predictability improves business confidence, facilitates strategic planning, and encourages lawful corporate restructuring as part of a modern and efficient company law framework.

Legal Framework of Fast‑Track Mergers under Section 233 and Related Provisions

The legal framework for fast-track mergers in India operates through Section 233 of the Companies Act 2013 which the Companies (Compromises Arrangements and Amalgamations) Rules 2016 (CAA Rules) establish as their binding regulation[36]. The fast-track mechanism enables eligible companies to secure approval through the Regional Director (RD) process, which allows them to skip the tribunal requirement that exists under Sections 230 to 232 of the traditional merger process.

Eligibility Categories

The application of Section 233 used to depend on two specific conditions. The scope of the project began to expand when it added start ups in 2021 and reverse flip mergers which involved foreign holding companies and their Indian WOS in 2024. The most transformative expansion came through the Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Amendment Rules 2025 which became effective on September 4 2025 because it introduced three new types of eligible entities[37]. The 2025 Rules establish official recognition for demergers which follow the fast track route because they eliminate previous uncertainties about demerger procedures. The process for inbound group consolidations now includes reverse cross border mergers which involve foreign holding companies merging with their Indian wholly owned subsidiaries as a specific method.

Regular vs. Fast‑Track Merger: Comparative Overview:

Parameter

Regular Route (Sections 230–232)

Fast‑Track Route (Section 233)

Approving Authority

NCLT (multiple hearings)

Regional Director (administrative)

Typical Timeline

9–18 months (median 13 months)

60–90 days

Public Advertisement

Required

Not required

Shareholder Approval

75% of members present and voting (Section 230)

90% of total shares

Creditor Approval

75% in value

9/10th (90%) in value

Judicial Scrutiny

Ex‑ante fairness review

Minimal; RD’s role is administrative

Cost

High (multiple hearings, legal fees)

Significantly lower

The fast‑track route was designed to reduce the burden on NCLTs, which as of March 2025 had 14,961 cases pending, of which 6,988 were insolvency matters and the remainder linked to mergers, acquisitions, and disputes under the Companies Act. The median time from first filing to final order for NCLT mergers was nearly 13 months, with one in four cases taking over 19 months.[38]

 

The Proposed Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026

The Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026, introduced in the Lok Sabha on 23 March 2026, proposes significant changes to Section 233:

  • Shareholder approval threshold reduced from 90% of total shares to 75% of shares held by members present and voting.
  • Creditor approval threshold reduced from 9/10th to 75% in value, aligning with Section 230 requirements.
  • Single NCLT bench jurisdiction for all scheme applications under Sections 230–233, eliminating multiple applications in cross‑jurisdiction mergers.
  • Removal of Official Liquidator filing for demergers.

The Bill has been referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee for detailed scrutiny. If enacted, these changes will make fast‑track mergers significantly more accessible, particularly for companies with fragmented shareholding structures but they also raise critical questions about minority protection, examined below.

Appraisal Rights under Sections 235–236

Appraisal rights the statutory mechanism which permits dissenting minority shareholders to separate from a merged company through judicially established fair value assessment is regulated by Sections 235 and 236 of the Companies Act 2013. The fast track merger framework and these provisions both received their official announcement on 15 December 2016.

Section 235: Power to Acquire Shares of Dissenting Shareholders

The transfer of share ownership from the transferor company to the transferee company requires shareholder approval which must be obtained from 90 percent or greater shareholders of the affected shares. The transferee company is authorized to inform its dissenting shareholders about its intention to purchase their shares.

The dissenting shareholder has one month from receipt of the notice to apply to the NCLT. The transferee company must acquire the shares on the same terms which approved shareholders accepted if no application is submitted. The NCLT has discretion to issue directions regarding the terms of acquisition.

Section 236: Purchase of Minority Shareholding (Squeeze‑Out)

Section 236 establishes a wider range of methods for companies to execute shareholder buyouts. A person or group who acts together with others must inform the company about their plans to acquire remaining equity shares when they obtain 90% or more of the company’s total equity share capital through methods that include amalgamation and share exchange and securities conversion and other means of acquisition. The registered valuer will establish the purchase price which the buyer must pay within a period of 60 days.

 

Research Gaps and Limitations

The two sections 235 and 236 together create fundamental deficiencies which prevent the sections from functioning as effective tools for protecting minorities during fast track merger processes.

First the valuation mechanism contains fundamental procedural deficiencies. Section 236 establishes that a registered valuer must set the price but there exists no requirement for independent oversight of the valuation process or judicial evaluation of valuation methods before the process begins. The promoter controlled company usually selects the valuer which creates doubts about the valuers objectivity. The dissenting shareholder must go through ex post reactive procedures to obtain their remedy.

Next, The fast track system does not provide any ex ante fairness assessment while the traditional NCLT route requires tribunals to perform a fair and reasonable assessment before approving a scheme according to the Miheer H. Mafatlal v. Mafatlal Industries Ltd. case[39]. The dissenting shareholder must wait until after the merger is approved to challenge the valuation before the NCLT a process that is time consuming and expensive.

Third, The 90% threshold creates a paradox because it needs 90% shareholder approval to fulfill Section 233 requirements but Section 236 only becomes active when someone possesses 90% or higher of their equity share capital. In a typical fast track merger the promoter holds 75% of the shares and needs to obtain approval from 15% of minority shareholders which prevents Section 236 from activating its squeeze out mechanism.

Fourth, The absence of statutory valuation guidelines exists as a fourth point. The 2013 Act does not prescribe specific valuation methodologies for appraisal rights, leaving the matter entirely to the registered valuer’s discretion. The absence of arm’s length transactions in intra-group restructurings enables promoters to undervalue their assets through this process.

Unfair Prejudice Remedies under Sections 241–242

The unfair prejudice and oppression remedy under Sections 241 and 242 of the Companies Act 2013 functions as the second line of defence for minority shareholders in fast track mergers. The NCLT receives authority through these provisions to deliver relief when a company’s operations demonstrate oppressive behavior towards any member or members and when they show harmful effects to both the company and the public.

 

Scope of Relief under Section 242

The National Company Law Tribunal receives extensive judicial authority through Section 242 of the Companies Act 2013 which enables it to provide suitable solutions for cases that involve wrongful conduct and operational failures and serious stakeholder harm. The powers grant protection to company interests and member rights and public interests while they enforce proper corporate governance standards. The Tribunal uses this authority to control how the company will conduct its operations in order to stop future improper activities and bring back open management processes. The organization has the authority to dismiss any directors or key managerial personnel or other officers whose actions caused misconduct or harm to the company. The Tribunal has the authority to direct majority shareholders to buy shares from minority shareholders or vice versa which allows the Tribunal to resolve deadlocks while safeguarding minority shareholder rights. The company has the option to terminate or modify certain company contracts which the court finds to be unfair or fraudulent or harmful to the company. Section 242 permits the Tribunal to implement extensive structural and governance changes which create a flexible enforcement system that protects against corporate misconduct while maintaining effective business operations.

 

Practical Barriers to Effective Relief

Despite the breadth of powers, several practical barriers undermine the effectiveness of Sections 241–242 as a remedy for minority shareholders in fast‑track mergers:

The petitioner must prove “oppression” (a continuing course of conduct) or “mismanagement” (dereliction affecting company interests) to the satisfaction of the NCLT. This is a demanding threshold, particularly in the context of a single‑transaction merger where the alleged prejudice arises from the terms of the scheme itself rather than a pattern of conduct.

As documented in the NCLT pendency data, Delay and cost even after a petition is filed, the median time to resolution is protracted. The same tribunal that is bypassed in the approval stage becomes the forum for post‑merger disputes, potentially shifting rather than eliminating delay and expense.

Under Section 244, Minimum shareholding requirement that is a petition under Section 241 cannot be filed unless the applicant holds at least 10% of the issued share capital or the number of applicants constitutes at least 100 members (for companies with share capital). This excludes small minority shareholders from accessing the remedy altogether.

The “Mafatlal Doctrine” limitation. In Miheer H. Mafatlal, the Supreme Court held that courts should not interfere with expert valuations in scheme approvals unless there is fraud, collusion, or a clear error on the face of the record. While this doctrine applies to the traditional route, it has significant implications for fast‑track mergers: if the RD approves a scheme without scrutiny of valuation, a subsequent oppression petition challenging the same valuation faces an extremely high threshold for success.

 

Appraisal Rights under Sections 235–236 Provide Limited Effective Remedy

The appraisal rights established by Sections 235 and 236 work as limited protections which fail to provide adequate security for minority shareholders against value theft by company promoters during speedy merger proceedings.

(a) No Ex Ante Valuation Scrutiny: The NCLT traditional process requires tribunal judges to evaluate cases according to the Miheer H Mafatlal standard which requires fair and reasonable assessment. The RD’s role is administrative, not adjudicatory. The promoters can approve value-dilutive schemes which enable them to transfer assets from a minority-controlled entity to their owned entity at an undervalued rate without any fairness assessment.

(b) Reactive and Costly Relief: The dissenting shareholder’s remedy is entirely ex post. The shareholder must file their application to the NCLT within one month after receiving notice according to Section 235 which creates a brief window that might prevent them from hiring valuation experts and gathering proof. The expenses for legal proceedings against a merger scheme at the NCLT exceed the expenses of minority ownership in small unlisted public companies.

(c) Valuation Opacity in Intra Group Deals: In intra group restructurings, there is no arm’s length transaction to benchmark the valuation. The registered valuer appointed under Section 236 is typically engaged by the promoter controlled company which creates an inherent conflict of interest. The valuer can choose any valuation method because no legal guidelines demand specific methods (DCF comparable company analysis asset based valuation) as essential for their assessment.

(d) Inapplicability of Section 236 in Many Cases: Section 236 is triggered only when a person holds 90% or more of the issued equity share capital. In a typical fast‑track merger, the promoter may hold less than 90% and secure approval from additional minority shareholders to meet the 90% threshold, without crossing the 90% ownership threshold that triggers Section 236. In such cases, dissenting shareholders are left only with Section 235 which requires them to proactively apply to the NCLT rather than a statutory squeeze‑out mechanism.

Sections 235–236 do not provide an effective remedy to correct the existing situation. The solution requires assessment through expensive procedures which do not allow for evaluation through independent valuation methods. The appraisal framework serves as an inadequate replacement for ex ante fairness assessment which was available through traditional NCLT procedures to minority shareholders of unlisted public companies and companies with intra group mergers.

 

Procedural Efficiency Shifts Delay and Expense from Approval to Remedy Stage

The empirical evidence establishes a positive relationship between fast track merger timelines and the cost/duration of subsequent Section 241–242 litigation. The approval stage procedures which improve efficiency create financial burdens which shift to the remediation stage resulting in either neutral or negative impacts on minority shareholder interests.

(a) NCLT Delay Statistics: The NCLT had 14,961 pending cases as of March 2025 which included 6,988 insolvency matters and the rest of the cases concerned mergers acquisitions and company disputes. The analysis of 3,376 merger cases which were filed after 2021 shows that the median time from first filing to final order was almost 13 months and one in four cases took more than 19 months to reach a decision. The time required to complete cases in Bengaluru courts takes almost 20 months while the fastest bench requires approximately 9 months to finish their cases.

(b) The “Shift” Hypothesis Confirmed: The traditional NCLT route requires 13 months to complete all procedures which include approval and dispute resolution because the tribunal conducts pre-emptive valuation assessments. The fast track route enables approval to complete within 60–90 days but all disputes regarding valuation or unfair prejudice must proceed to litigation after the merger through the NCLT which was initially avoided. Minority shareholders who submit Section 241–242 petitions experience a 13 month median timeline together with extra costs which occur before their litigation starts.

(c) Cost Implications: An NCLT oppression petition requires expenses which consist of filing fees advocate fees which range from ₹5–15 lakhs per hearing expert valuation reports which cost ₹2–5 lakhs and several appearances which extend over 12–18 months. In unlisted public companies minority shareholders encounter expenses which surpass their ownership value, thus making the remedy unfeasible for them. In contrast, the traditional NCLT route spread these costs across the transaction (borne largely by the company/promoters), not by individual minority shareholders.

 

Comparative Analysis of Delay and Cost Shift:

Parameter

Traditional Route (Sections 230–232)

Fast‑Track Route (Section 233)

Approval timeline

9–18 months (median 13 months)

60–90 days

Dispute resolution timeline

Integrated within approval (ex‑ante)

Separate litigation: 13 months median

Total timeline (approval + dispute)

13 months

60 days + 13 months = approx. 15 months

Cost borne by

Company/promoters

Minority shareholders (if they file)

Likelihood of dispute reaching NCLT

Low (ex‑ante review resolves many issues)

Higher (no ex‑ante review)

The empirical data confirms that fast‑track procedural efficiency merely shifts delay and expense from the approval stage to the remedy stage. The total timeline (approval plus dispute resolution) is actually longer under the fast‑track regime when a dispute arises, and the cost burden is transferred from promoters to minority shareholders. This creates a perverse incentive: promoters are encouraged to push through value‑dilutive schemes knowing that minority shareholders are unlikely to bear the cost of challenging them.

High Approval Thresholds Significantly Reduce Practical Enforceability of Remedies

The 90% threshold under Section 233 creates substantial difficulties for enforcing appraisal rights and oppression remedies within shareholding structures that exhibit multiple ownership stakes. The 2026 Bill proposes a 75% threshold which will help resolve the deadlock issue yet it creates additional problems through minority rights which will dilute their power to obstruct decisions.

The 90% Paradox exists because companies with shareholders who own shares across multiple owners face difficulties when they attempt to achieve 90% voting approval which requires all of their shareholders to participate in the voting process. The Chennai Bench of NCLT, in In Re: Stanworth Management Pvt. Ltd., affirmed the RD’s ruling which rejected a shareholder-approved scheme that had received 76.69% approval because the total value needed for approval did not reach the 90% requirement[40]. The 90% threshold prevents any merger from occurring in fragmented structures because it blocks all types of mergers including fast track mergers.

The 90% threshold creates problems for Sections 235 to 236 because the law becomes difficult to enforce at this threshold level which remains untested. A minority shareholder who voted against the scheme and holds, say, 1% of shares has the same remedial rights as one who holds 9.9%. The promoters can show strong backing for the scheme because they have a high threshold which enables them to prove that their proposal received popular support which will affect NCLT’s Section 235 decision-making process. Under the Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026, the shareholder approval threshold is proposed to be reduced from 90% of total shares to 75% of shares held by members present and voting.

Benefits: The 75% threshold enables companies with divided share ownership and nonactive institutional stakeholders and employee stock ownership plan financial systems to execute fast track mergers. The fast track system becomes consistent with Section 230 because of this alignment.

Risks: The current threshold requires 90% of total shares to be present, which creates significant problems for minority shareholders because their veto power becomes extremely limited. A 10.1% minority stakeholder under the existing system can stop the scheme through their absence from the meeting. The 2026 Bill requires that the same minority group must attend and vote against the scheme while they need to persuade another 15.1% of shareholders to do the same. The process becomes more difficult for small minority groups because they need to prevent financial damaging projects from proceeding.

The 90% threshold under Section 233 creates operational difficulties for companies that have split share ownership systems because it obstructs their merger processes. The proposed 75% threshold will make fast track mergers practically enforceable but reduces minority veto power and increases the burden on minorities to actively oppose schemes. The threshold change does not change the fundamental rights of appraisal and oppression remedies because it limits minority rights to stop the scheme before it starts which raises their need to use expensive post-implementation solutions.

Statutory Presumptions of “Unfair Prejudice” Offer a Viable Reform

The existing statutory presumption of “unfair prejudice” which applies to fast track demergers and intra group restructurings provides an efficient method for implementing legislative changes that protect minority shareholders while maintaining procedural speed. The presumption needs proper design because its implementation requires additional procedural protections.

(a) The Rationale for Statutory Presumptions. The current system requires minority shareholders who challenge fast track demergers or intra group restructurings under Section 241 to present complete evidence in order to establish their claims of “oppression” or “mismanagement.” The burden becomes difficult to manage because promoters possess more information than minority shareholders do. The statutory presumption changes the responsibility of proof because shareholders need to show that the transaction represents a fast track demerger or intra group restructuring before the promoters must prove both fair valuation and procedural fairness to overturn the presumption of unfairly prejudicial treatment.

(b) Comparative Precedents. UK unfair prejudice remedy under Section 994 of the Companies Act 2006 does not use statutory presumptions because courts established strong legal standards through their “legitimate expectations” doctrine which allows courts to create an assumption of prejudice when majority shareholders engage in bad faith activities or violate established procedures[41]. Delaware courts established a standard during appraisal proceedings under DGCL section 262 which considers merger prices to be fair when independent special committees and most disinterested shareholders have approved the transaction.[42]

(c) Proposed Presumption Framework. A viable statutory presumption for Indian fast‑track mergers could be structured as follows:

Proposed Section 233A: “In any proceeding under Section 241 arising out of a fast‑track merger under Section 233, where the merger involves: (a) a demerger of assets between a holding company and its subsidiary or between fellow subsidiaries; or (b) an intra‑group restructuring where the valuation is determined by a registered valuer appointed by the promoter group, there shall be a rebuttable presumption that the scheme is unfairly prejudicial to minority shareholders. The presumption may be rebutted by the promoter group by demonstrating, on the balance of probabilities, that (i) the valuation was conducted by an independent registered valuer selected by a majority of disinterested shareholders; (ii) the scheme was approved by a majority of minority shareholders in a separate vote; and (iii) full disclosure of all material facts was made to shareholders prior to the vote.”

(d) The system needs to find an optimal point which allows for fast movement while maintaining complete safety. The proposed presumption does not increase the approval timeline it only affects the burden of proof in subsequent litigation. The rebuttable presumption allows promoters who completed a legitimate transaction to prove their case through simple evidence. The current approval process maintains its 60 to 90 day duration which helps to safeguard rights of minority shareholders. The presumption would create a motivation for promoters to follow best practices which include independent valuations and minority only votes because these practices help to disprove the presumption.

(e) The success of presumption frameworks needs independent valuation resources which meet actual independence standards. The establishment of mandatory independent valuer panels under Section 247 would serve as a complementary reform which allows valuers for fast track mergers to be chosen through a random selection process from an approved valuer list maintained by IBBI which will become the Valuation Authority according to the 2026 Bill[43]. This solution removes the conflict of interest which exists between promoters and their chosen valuers.

(f) The section provides information about two types of potential dangers and three different types of restrictions which exist in the present research work. The presumption approach is not without risks. The system has the potential to create excessive litigation expenses which will affect promoters who established their businesses through legitimate methods. The legislation fails to establish minimum shareholding standards which would enable small minority shareholders to bring forward oppression lawsuits. Two essential reforms will eliminate current limitations because they involve decreasing Section 244 requirements to 5% for fast track mergers and establishing cost shifting rules for successful petitions.

The statutory presumptions which declare “unfair prejudice” for fast track demergers and intra group restructurings create a balanced reform framework which provides an effective solution. The system enables minority groups to prove their rights because it transfers the responsibility to prove facts from the minority group to the promoter who used related party transactions. The regulatory framework needs to introduce two elements because the current system requires independent valuers and lower minimum shareholding requirements to achieve better protection for minority shareholders while maintaining fast track procedures.

Impact Assessment and Opinions of Field Experts

The expansion of India’s fast track merger regime under the 2025 Rules and the proposed 2026 Bill has produced measurable efficiency gains while exposing significant minority protection risks. The most tangible positive impact is the dramatic reduction in approval timelines: under the traditional NCLT route the process typically takes between 9 to 12 months and can sometimes stretch to 18 months or longer while the fast track route operates on a 60 day deemed approval timeline which compresses the approval stage from over a year to less than three months. The NCLT needs this efficiency improvement because the court system currently deals with an excessive number of pending cases which creates a backlog situation. The NCLT system experiences significant delays because of the thousands of merger and demerger applications which the system receives every year. The NCLT system experiences significant delays because of the thousands of merger and demerger applications which the system receives every year. The NCLT system experiences significant delays because of the thousands of merger and demerger applications which the system receives every year. The NCLT system experiences significant delays because of the thousands of merger and demerger applications which the system receives every year. The NCLT system experiences significant delays because of the thousands of merger and demerger applications which the system receives every year. The NCLT system experiences significant delays because of the thousands of merger and demerger applications which the system receives every year. Regional Directors can take control of straightforward restructurings which will help reduce the tribunal workload so that judges can dedicate their time to handling more complicated cases.

The process of achieving efficiency improvements leads to additional expenses for the organization. Legal experts determine that the main adverse effect occurs because the 90 percent shareholder approval requirement remains unchanged which “anchors in a past ownership system” and “creates barriers for executing fast track mergers”. The fast track merger process becomes unworkable for companies that possess divided shareholding patterns because Section 233(1)(b) mandates member approval from shareholders who possess “not less than ninety per cent of the total number of shares” instead of requiring only the votes that have been cast. The NCLT no longer performs ex ante fairness review functions so all dispute resolution responsibilities shifted to ex post remedies which create a “remedial deficit” that forces minority shareholders to endure expensive and lengthy litigation processes established under Sections 241–242.

Leading law firms have provided complex evaluations of their work. AZB & Partners considers the 2025 Amendment to be a beneficial change which will help Indian corporates because “this proactive step … will provide a much needed relief to India Inc. by giving them a more time and cost efficient route to rejig their holding structures”. The company states that the extended fast track procedure now allows NCLT to handle cases which previously required multiple hearings during its quasi judicial procedure for basic intra group restructurings. AZB identifies two different problems from which they work to create solutions. The organization points out that “compliance with the Creditor Threshold which requires approval by a 9/10th in value of creditors can often become a significant hurdle,” which shows how high approval requirements create difficulties according to research.

Cyril Amarchand Mangaldas offers a more critical perspective, describing the 2025 Amendment as “the most significant liberalisation of the fast track merger framework since its inception” The FTM framework has failed to deliver for India Inc because 2016 saw incremental expansions which were not sufficient to make the framework accessible to listed companies and the required voting thresholds which exceeded 90 per cent. The firm also warns of procedural inconsistencies, observing that “the approval process in Regional Director offices across different states is neither streamlined nor consistent”. The firm demonstrates in its separate analysis that the MCA has implemented considerable liberalisation which will enable a wider range of organizations to use the fast track route while the system will be able to manage more complex cases that need judicial review.

The Indian Review of Corporate and Commercial Laws (IRCCL) provides the most pointed doctrinal critique. The analysis demonstrates that the existing 90% threshold which exists in its current form requires companies to meet the ownership criteria of a past ownership structure, which creates difficulties for executing fast track mergers. The analysis shows that the threshold controls fast track mergers which force them to become unsuitable due to nonparticipating parties who create veto powers or to become insufficient for protecting value important demergers. The proposed 2026 Bill which decreases the shareholder approval requirement to 75 per cent of members present and voting and the creditor requirement to 75 per cent of total value, is seen as addressing the workability issue. The reduction in minority veto power from 10.1 percent of total shares required to block a scheme to 25.1 percent of votes that must be cast to oppose it creates additional requirements that minorities must fulfill to challenge value dilutive schemes. The expert opinions demonstrate a unified viewpoint which establishes that fast track regime creates operational efficiency, but high approval thresholds present major challenges to its implementation, while the 2026 Bill needs to establish better safeguards which include independent valuation panels together with statutory protections for dissenting minorities to stop the regime from trading minority protection for speed.

Recommendations & Legislative Reforms

The 75% voting requirement which needs members to be present for voting creates better operational possibilities because it applies to situations where ownership stakes are divided among multiple parties but more changes must occur to strengthen protection systems for minority shareholders. A hybrid model is recommended: maintain the 75% approval for votes cast, coupled with a minority veto (e.g., requiring support from over half of disinterested shareholders) to prevent majority coercion. The introduction of a statutory rebuttable presumption of unfair prejudice for intra-group restructurings would establish promoters as the party responsible for proving their case which serves as an essential safeguard when judicial review through ex-ante methods does not exist. The requirement to appoint independent registered valuers from an IBBI-empaneled panel for all fast-track categories ensures valuation integrity. The required pre-vote disclosures must present complete valuation reports together with solvency declarations.

The analysis of Delaware’s appraisal rights together with the UK “legitimate expectations” jurisprudence provides valuable insights[44]. The implementation roadmap prioritizes: (1) finalizing the 2026 Bill, (2) issuing rules for valuer panels, (3) amending Section 241 to include the presumption, and (4) a six-month stakeholder consultation to refine the hybrid veto and disclosure norms.

Conclusion

The Companies Act 2013 fast track merger system established by Section 233 of the Act establishes a new method that prioritizes administrative operations instead of letting judges control the process. The regime successfully reduced approval times from 13 months to 60–90 days while decreasing NCLT congestion the current study found that visited path testing speed, but it decreased protection rights for minority shareholders. The appraisal rights established in Sections 235 236 present financial burdens with no independent valuation protection which renders them insufficient for defending against value theft by promoters during intra group and unlisted public mergers. Empirical evidence shows that fast track efficiency merely moves delays and costs from the approval process to Sections 241 242 unfair prejudice lawsuits which typically result in longer resolution periods and shift expenses to minority shareholders. The 90% shareholder approval threshold becomes unworkable with fragmented shareholding designs while the proposed 75% threshold under the 2026 Bill presents better practical possibilities which reduce minority control rights. Statutory presumptions of unfair prejudice together with mandatory independent valuer panels and hybrid approval models present effective solutions which boost protection systems without reducing operational efficiency. The fast track experiment in India will succeed based on the ability of minority shareholders to secure both equitable treatment and rapid judicial processes for resolving their right violations.

REFERENCES

  1. STATUTES & RULES
  1. The Companies Act, 2013, No. 18 of 2013, §§ 233, 235‑236, 241‑242, 244 (India).
  2. Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Amendment Rules, 2025, Gaz. of India, Notification No. G.S.R. 603(E) (Sept. 4, 2025).
  3. Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Rules, 2016, Rule 25, Gaz. of India (Dec. 15, 2016).
  4. The Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026, Bill No. 87 of 2026, as introduced in Lok Sabha on Mar. 23, 2026 (India).
  5. Companies Act 2006, c. 46, Section 994‑996 (UK).
  6. Companies Act (Cap. 50) section 210, 215A‑215J (Sing.).
  7. Del. Code Ann. tit. 8, section 251‑253, 262 (2022).

  1. CASES
  1. In Re: Stanworth Mgmt. Pvt. Ltd., Chennai Bench of NCLT (order dated Mar. 15, 2025).
  2. Kahn v. M&F Worldwide Corp., 88 A.3d 635 (Del. 2014).
  3. Miheer H. Mafatlal v. Mafatlal Indus. Ltd., (1997) 1 SCC 579 (India).
  4. O’Neill v. Phillips, [1999] 1 W.L.R. 1092 (HL) (UK).


III. REPORTS & OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

  1. *Budget 2025-2026 Speech*, ¶ 101 (India, Feb. 1, 2025).
  2. Ministry of Corporate Affairs, Annual Report 2024–25 (India, 2025).
  3. Press Information Bureau, Govt. of India, MCA Widens the Scope of Fast Track Mergers Under the Companies Act, 2013 (Sept. 11, 2025).
  4. Press Information Bureau, Govt. of India, M&A Trends in India (Oct. 2025).
  5. PRS Legislative Research, Bill Summary: The Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026 (Mar. 23, 2026).
  6. Report of the Expert Committee on Company Law (India, chaired by J.J. Irani, submitted May 31, 2005).
  1. SECONDARY SOURCES

 

  1. Law Firm & Practitioner Publications
  1. AZB & Partners, *MCA Amends Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Rules, 2016, to Expand Scope of Fast-Track Mergers* (Oct. 23, 2025).
  2. Cyril Amarchand Mangaldas, The Four Pillars of Change: Unpacking India’s New Fast-Track Merger Regime (Sept. 18, 2025).
  3. King Stubb & Kasiva, MCA Notifies Amendments to the Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Rules, 2025 (Oct. 25, 2025).
  4. Nishith Desai Assocs., Companies Act Series (Sept. 11, 2025).
  5. Vinod Kothari Consultants, Widening the Net of Fast-Track Mergers – A Step Towards NCLT Declogging (Oct. 23, 2025).
  1. Academic Articles & Journals
  1. Bhardwaj, Squeeze-Outs and Minority Protection in India, 4 J. Corp. L. Stud. (2018).
  2. Cassim, The Protection of Minority Shareholders in Emerging Markets, 12 Int’l J. Disclosure & Governance (2015).
  3. Michael C. Jensen & William H. Meckling, Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, Agency Costs and Ownership Structure, 3 J. Fin. Econ. 305 (1976).
  4. Umakanth Varottil, Evolution and Effectiveness of Independent Directors in Indian Corporate Governance, 6 Hastings Bus. L.J. (2017).
  1. Other Secondary Sources
  1. Derailments on the Fast Track: Hits and Misses in the 2025 Amendments to Merger Rules, Lexology (Sept. 22, 2025).
  2. Indian Rev. Corp. & Com. L. (IRCCL), Fast Track Mergers (last visited Apr. 21, 2026).
  3. JSA, JSA Prism | Corporate | September 2025 (Sept. 19, 2025).
  4. Ruchika Chitravanshi & Harsh Kumar, IBC Cases Piling Up Largely Due to Lack of NCLT Benches, DFS Tells MCA, Bus. Standard (Sept. 24, 2025).

[1] The Companies Act, 2013, No. 18 of 2013, section 233 (India) [hereinafter Companies Act, 2013].

[2] Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Amendment Rules, 2025, Gaz. of India, Notification No. G.S.R. 603(E) (Sept. 4, 2025) [hereinafter 2025 MCA Amendment Rules].

[3][3] The Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026, Bill No. 87 of 2026, as introduced in Lok Sabha on Mar. 23, 2026 (India) [hereinafter 2026 Bill].

[4] Companies Act, 2013 Section 235‑236.

[5] Companies Act, 2013 Section 241‑242.

[6] Report of the Expert Committee on Company Law (India, chaired by J.J. Irani, submitted May 31, 2005) [hereinafter Irani Committee Report].

[7] Vinod Kothari Consultants, Widening the Net of Fast-Track Mergers – A Step Towards NCLT Declogging (Oct. 23, 2025).

[8] Nishith Desai Assocs., Companies Act Series (Sept. 11, 2025).

[9] Del. Code Ann. tit. 8, Section 251‑253 (2022).

[10] Companies Act (Cap. 50) section 210, 215A‑215J (Sing.).

[11] Indian Rev. Corp. & Com. L. (IRCCL), Fast Track Mergers (last visited Apr. 21, 2026).

[12] AZB & Partners, MCA Amends Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Rules, 2016, to Expand Scope of Fast-Track Mergers* (Oct. 23, 2025).

[13] Cyril Amarchand Mangaldas, The Four Pillars of Change: Unpacking India’s New Fast-Track Merger Regime (Sept. 18, 2025).

[14] Nishith Desai Assocs., Companies Act Series (Sept. 11, 2025).

[15] Miheer H. Mafatlal v. Mafatlal Indus. Ltd., (1997) 1 SCC 579 (India).

[16] See generally Bhardwaj, Squeeze-Outs and Minority Protection in India, 4 J. Corp. L. Stud. (2018).

[17] See generally Cassim, The Protection of Minority Shareholders in Emerging Markets, 12 Int’l J. Disclosure & Governance (2015).

[18] See, e.g., Derailments on the Fast Track: Hits and Misses in the 2025 Amendments to Merger Rules, Lexology (Sept. 22, 2025); Ruchika Chitravanshi & Harsh Kumar, IBC Cases Piling Up Largely Due to Lack of NCLT Benches, DFS Tells MCA, Bus. Standard (Sept. 24, 2025).

[19] Umakanth Varottil, Evolution and Effectiveness of Independent Directors in Indian Corporate Governance, 6 Hastings Bus. L.J. (2017).

[20] IRCCL, supra note 12.

[21] Michael C. Jensen & William H. Meckling, Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, Agency Costs and Ownership Structure, 3 J. Fin. Econ. 305 (1976).

[22] Companies Act 2006, c. 46, section 994 (UK).

[23] Del. Code Ann. tit. 8, Section 262.

[24] Miheer H. Mafatlal, (1997) 1 SCC 579.

[25] Press Information Bureau, Govt. of India, MCA Widens the Scope of Fast Track Mergers Under the Companies Act, 2013 (Sept. 11, 2025).

[26] PRS Legislative Research, Bill Summary: The Corporate Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026 (Mar. 23, 2026)

[27] Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Rules, 2016, Rule 25, Gaz. of India (Dec. 15, 2016).

[28] Press Information Bureau, supra note 27.

[29] 2025 MCA Amendment Rules, supra note 2.

[30] Budget 2025-2026 Speech*, ¶ 101 (India, Feb. 1, 2025).

[31] PRS Legislative Research, supra note 28.

[32] Press Information Bureau, Govt. of India, M&A Trends in India (Oct. 2025).

[33] Ministry of Corporate Affairs, Annual Report 2024–25 (India, 2025).

[34] See Del. Code Ann. tit. 8, Section 251‑253; Companies Act 2006, c. 46, Part 26; Companies Act (Cap. 50) section 210‑212 (Sing.).

[35] Companies Act, 2013 § 233; Companies (Compromises, Arrangements and Amalgamations) Rules, 2016, Rule 25.

[36] (1997) 1 SCC 579.

[37] Companies Act, 2013 Section 241‑242.

[38] Miheer H. Mafatlal, (1997) 1 SCC 579.

[39] Miheer H. Mafatlal, (1997) 1 SCC 579.

[40] In Re: Stanworth Mgmt. Pvt. Ltd., Chennai Bench of NCLT (order dated Mar. 15, 2025), discussed in Derailments on the Fast Track, supra note 19.

[41] Companies Act 2006, c. 46, § 994; see also O’Neill v. Phillips, [1999] 1 W.L.R. 1092 (HL) (UK).

[42] Del. Code Ann. tit. 8, § 262; see Kahn v. M&F Worldwide Corp., 88 A.3d 635 (Del. 2014).

[43] 2026 Bill, supra note 3 (proposing amendments to section 247).

[44] Companies Act 2006, c. 46, § 994; O’Neill v. Phillips, [1999] 1 W.L.R. 1092.

3d logo journal

“Enforcing Rights at the Margins: A Legal Analysis of Slum Women’s Entitlements in Kolkata”

 AUTHOR:

Jayasree Das, Research Scholar, Aliah University

3d logo journal

Abstract:


This article critically examines the lived realities of women in Kolkata’s informal settlements through the lens of Indian statutory and constitutional law. It focuses on the implementation gaps within key legal frameworks, including the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, and the Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987, alongside constitutional guarantees under Article 14 of the Constitution of India and Article 21 of the Constitution of India. While these provisions formally ensure equality, dignity, and access to justice, their enforcement remains inconsistent within slum contexts due to informality of residence, lack of documentation, and systemic socio-economic barriers. The article adopts a socio-legal approach to analyze how procedural requirements, evidentiary burdens, and institutional limitations disproportionately disadvantage slum women in accessing legal remedies. It further evaluates the effectiveness of state-sponsored legal aid and local governance mechanisms in bridging these gaps. By situating statutory protections within the everyday experiences of marginalized women, the paper argues for a more context-responsive interpretation of rights that prioritizes accessibility and enforcement. It concludes that meaningful realization of legal protections requires structural reforms, enhanced legal literacy, and localized accountability mechanisms.

Keywords:
Slum Women, Kolkata, Constitutional Rights, Legal Aid, Gender Justice

Introduction : Urban India reflects a striking coexistence of economic dynamism and persistent inequality. Metropolitan centers such as Kolkata embody this contradiction, where expanding infrastructure and economic activity exist alongside dense pockets of informal habitation. These informal settlements, often referred to as slums or bustees, are not peripheral anomalies but integral components of the urban economy. Yet, they remain socially and legally marginalized spaces. Within this setting, women experience layered vulnerabilities shaped by gender, class, and spatial exclusion. India’s legal framework, anchored in constitutional guarantees and supplemented by statutory protections, formally recognizes the rights of women to equality, dignity, and safety. However, the translation of these rights into lived realities remains uneven, particularly for women residing in informal settlements. The disjuncture between legal promise and practical accessibility raises important questions about the effectiveness of rights-based frameworks in contexts marked by informality and socio-economic precarity.

This paper examines how key legal provisions—including constitutional guarantees and statutes addressing domestic violence, workplace harassment, and legal aid—operate in the context of Kolkata’s slums. It adopts a socio-legal approach, combining doctrinal analysis with an exploration of lived experiences. The central argument advanced here is that while legal frameworks are normatively progressive, their implementation is constrained by structural barriers such as lack of documentation, informal employment arrangements, institutional limitations, and entrenched social hierarchies (Bhan, 2016; Roy, 2005). The question of urban marginality in Kolkata cannot be understood without acknowledging the historical production of informality as a governance outcome rather than a mere absence of planning. Scholars have argued that informality is not simply a residual category but is actively shaped by state practices that selectively regulate land, labor, and housing (Roy, 2005). In Kolkata, this selective recognition manifests in the coexistence of long-standing bustees with precarious squatter settlements, where legality is often negotiated rather than formally granted. This ambiguity has direct implications for women’s access to legal protections, as entitlement is frequently mediated through documentation tied to residence.

Gendered experiences of urban poverty further complicate this landscape. Women’s labor, often concentrated in informal and low-paid sectors, remains undervalued and invisible within formal economic frameworks. At the same time, domestic responsibilities restrict their mobility and engagement with public institutions. As Kabeer (2005) notes, empowerment is not merely about access to resources but also about the ability to make strategic life choices. In slum contexts, such choices are constrained by both economic necessity and social expectations, limiting women’s capacity to seek legal remedies even when aware of their rights. Additionally, the spatial organization of slums contributes to a form of everyday surveillance that affects women disproportionately. The lack of privacy in densely populated settlements blurs the boundary between personal and public life, making issues such as domestic violence or harassment highly visible yet socially regulated. This paradox—visibility without protection—captures the complexity of enforcing legal rights in such environments. Therefore, any meaningful analysis of legal entitlements must account for these embedded socio-spatial dynamics.

Literature Review

A growing body of scholarship has examined the relationship between urban informality and access to rights in Indian cities. Early work by Partha Chatterjee (2004) conceptualizes informal populations as “political society,” where rights are negotiated through political mediation rather than formal legal entitlement. This framework is particularly useful in understanding how slum residents engage with the state—not as rights-bearing citizens in the classical sense, but as claimants operating within negotiated spaces of governance.Similarly, Ananya Roy (2005) challenges the binary distinction between formal and informal by arguing that informality is produced through state practices. In this view, the state itself determines which forms of informality are tolerated and which are criminalized. This perspective helps explain the precarious legal status of slum settlements in Kolkata, where recognition is often partial and contingent.

Feminist scholars have contributed significantly to understanding how legal frameworks interact with gendered realities. Naila Kabeer (2005) emphasizes that empowerment must be understood in terms of resources, agency, and achievements. In slum contexts, even when legal resources are theoretically available, women’s agency to utilize them is constrained by social norms and economic dependence. Likewise, Flavia Agnes (2014) highlights the limitations of legal reforms in addressing structural inequalities, particularly in relation to domestic violence and workplace harassment.Research on access to justice in India further reveals systemic barriers within legal institutions. Marc Galanter and Jayanth Krishnan (2004) argue that formal legal systems often remain inaccessible to marginalized populations due to cost, delay, and procedural complexity. This insight is particularly relevant for slum women, whose interaction with legal institutions is shaped by both material constraints and institutional design.

More recent studies have focused on the intersection of gender and urban poverty. Amita Bhide (2017) notes that women in informal settlements often rely on collective strategies, such as self-help groups, to navigate institutional barriers. These collective forms of engagement highlight the limitations of individual-centric legal frameworks and point toward the importance of community-based approaches.

Taken together, this body of literature underscores a central theme: legal rights, while formally expansive, are mediated through socio-political contexts that shape their accessibility. This paper builds on these insights by situating statutory protections within the lived realities of slum women in Kolkata, thereby bridging the gap between legal doctrine and social practice.

Urban Informality in Kolkata: Contextual Background

Kolkata’s informal settlements have evolved through a complex interplay of historical, economic, and political factors. The city witnessed significant demographic shifts during the Partition of 1947, when large numbers of displaced populations settled in makeshift colonies. Subsequent decades saw continued migration from rural areas due to agrarian distress and limited employment opportunities. These processes contributed to the proliferation of informal settlements that remain outside formal planning frameworks (Chatterjee, 2004).

These settlements are characterized by overcrowding, inadequate infrastructure, and insecure tenure. Basic services such as sanitation, clean water, and healthcare are often insufficient or unevenly distributed. Women bear a disproportionate burden of these deficiencies, as they are typically responsible for household maintenance and caregiving. The absence of private space further complicates their ability to exercise autonomy and maintain personal safety.

Documentation emerges as a critical issue in this context. Many residents lack formal proof of residence, which restricts access to welfare schemes and legal remedies. For women, the situation is often more precarious due to limited ownership of property and identity documents in their own names. This structural invisibility undermines their ability to assert legal rights and engage with formal institutions (Kabeer, 2005). Empirical data further illustrates the scale and persistence of informality in Kolkata. According to Census estimates and urban development reports, a substantial proportion of the city’s population resides in slum-like conditions, many without secure tenure or access to basic services. These patterns are not merely the result of population pressure but reflect long-standing gaps in urban planning and housing policy (Bhide, 2017). The persistence of such conditions indicates that informality is structurally embedded within the urban fabric.

For women, these structural deficits translate into everyday burdens that are often invisible in policy discourse. Time spent collecting water, accessing sanitation facilities, or managing household responsibilities reduces opportunities for paid work and civic participation. This “time poverty” has significant implications for legal access, as engaging with formal institutions requires both time and mobility—resources that are unevenly distributed (Kabeer, 2005).

 Conceptual Framework: Law at the Margins

Legal systems are generally designed around assumptions of stability—fixed addresses, formal employment, and institutional accessibility. However, these assumptions do not hold in informal settlements. As a result, there is a fundamental mismatch between legal design and social reality. This mismatch is particularly evident in the experiences of slum women, whose engagement with the law is shaped by both structural constraints and socio-cultural norms.

Feminist legal theory provides a useful lens for understanding these dynamics. Scholars have argued that law, while ostensibly neutral, often reproduces existing power relations by privileging those with access to resources and institutional knowledge (MacKinnon, 1989). In the context of slums, procedural requirements such as documentation and formal complaint mechanisms inadvertently exclude marginalized groups.

The distinction between formal and substantive equality is also relevant. While the Constitution guarantees equality before the law, substantive equality requires that legal systems actively address structural disadvantages. Without such adjustments, legal frameworks risk perpetuating inequality rather than alleviating it (Fredman, 2016).

Intersectionality further complicates this picture. Women in slums are not a homogeneous group; their experiences are shaped by overlapping identities, including caste, religion, and migration status. These intersecting factors influence their access to resources and their interactions with legal institutions (Crenshaw, 1989).

Constitutional Guarantees and Their Reach

The Constitution of India provides a robust foundation for gender justice. Article 14 guarantees equality before the law, while Article 21 has been expansively interpreted to include the right to live with dignity. Judicial decisions have played a significant role in broadening the scope of these rights.

In Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997), the Supreme Court recognized sexual harassment as a violation of fundamental rights, thereby linking workplace safety to constitutional guarantees. Similarly, in Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation (1985), the Court acknowledged the right to livelihood as an integral component of the right to life.

Despite the progressive interpretation of fundamental rights by Indian courts, the accessibility of constitutional remedies remains uneven. Public interest litigation (PIL) has played a significant role in addressing systemic injustices, including issues related to housing, environmental protection, and labor rights. However, PIL as a mechanism often operates at a macro level, addressing structural concerns rather than individual grievances. For women in informal settlements, whose challenges are deeply personal and immediate, such mechanisms may offer limited relief (Galanter & Krishnan, 2004).

Moreover, the procedural requirements associated with accessing higher courts create additional barriers. Filing petitions, securing legal representation, and navigating judicial processes require resources that are often beyond the reach of marginalized communities. Even when legal aid is available, delays and bureaucratic hurdles can discourage sustained engagement. This results in a situation where constitutional rights exist in principle but remain inaccessible in practice.

Another dimension worth noting is the role of judicial discretion in interpreting rights. While courts have expanded the scope of Article 21 to include dignity and livelihood, the enforcement of these interpretations often depends on administrative agencies. In the absence of effective coordination between the judiciary and executive, rights enforcement becomes fragmented. For slum women, this fragmentation translates into uncertainty and inconsistency in accessing justice.

The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005

The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (PWDVA) represents a significant advancement in addressing gender-based violence. By recognizing domestic violence as a civil wrong, the Act provides for a range of remedies, including protection orders, residence rights, and monetary relief.

However, its implementation in informal settlements is fraught with challenges. Protection Officers, who are central to the functioning of the Act, are often overburdened and lack adequate resources. Their limited presence in slum areas reduces accessibility.

Police attitudes also play a critical role. Reports indicate that complaints of domestic violence are frequently trivialized or redirected toward informal mediation, undermining the legal framework (Jaising, 2007). Women may be discouraged from pursuing formal complaints due to fear of social stigma or economic dependency.

Shelter homes and support services, though предусмотренные under the law, are insufficient in number and often inaccessible. For many women, leaving an abusive household entails significant risks, including loss of livelihood and social support. These factors contribute to underreporting and limited enforcement of legal protections.

Field-based observations and secondary studies suggest that the implementation of the PWDVA is often mediated through informal power structures within slum communities. Local leaders, community elders, or political intermediaries frequently intervene in cases of domestic violence, offering solutions that prioritize reconciliation over accountability. While such interventions may provide immediate relief, they often fail to address the structural nature of abuse or ensure long-term safety (Jaising, 2007).

The role of police in such contexts is equally complex. Women approaching police stations may encounter skepticism or pressure to withdraw complaints, particularly when cases are perceived as “family matters.” This institutional reluctance undermines the deterrent effect of the law and reinforces the normalization of domestic violence. Furthermore, the absence of gender-sensitive training among law enforcement personnel exacerbates these challenges.

Economic vulnerability further constrains women’s choices. In many cases, women contribute significantly to household income through informal work, yet their earnings are irregular and insufficient to ensure independence. The prospect of legal action against an abusive partner therefore carries the risk of financial instability, homelessness, and social ostracism. As a result, many women adopt coping strategies that involve negotiation and endurance rather than formal legal intervention.

The gap between legal provisions and lived realities is also evident in the functioning of support services. Shelter homes, counseling centers, and medical facilities are often under-resourced and difficult to access. The lack of coordination between these services further limits their effectiveness, creating a fragmented support system that fails to meet the needs of vulnerable women.

 Workplace Harassment and Informality

The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013 seeks to create safe working environments through institutional mechanisms such as Internal Complaints Committees (ICCs) and Local Complaints Committees (LCCs). However, the effectiveness of this framework is limited in informal sectors.

In Kolkata, a significant proportion of women are engaged in domestic work, street vending, and construction labor. These occupations are characterized by informal arrangements, absence of written contracts, and lack of regulatory oversight. As a result, the applicability of formal complaint mechanisms becomes uncertain.

Domestic workers, for instance, operate within private households, where monitoring and accountability are minimal. Similarly, street vendors often face harassment from authorities, which may not be recognized as workplace harassment in a formal sense. The lack of awareness about LCCs further limits access to redressal mechanisms (Agnes, 2014).

The informalization of labor in urban India has significant implications for the enforcement of workplace rights. In Kolkata, the majority of women in slum areas are engaged in occupations that fall outside formal regulatory frameworks. Domestic workers, for instance, operate in private spaces where oversight is minimal and accountability mechanisms are weak. This invisibility creates conditions in which harassment can occur without consequence (Agnes, 2014).

Street-based occupations present a different set of challenges. Women engaged in vending or small-scale trade often interact with multiple authorities, including municipal officials and police. These interactions are frequently characterized by coercion, harassment, and demands for informal payments. While such practices may not always be categorized as sexual harassment under the law, they contribute to a broader environment of insecurity that undermines women’s dignity and autonomy.

The limitations of the Sexual Harassment Act in addressing these realities highlight the need for a more expansive understanding of workplace safety. Legal frameworks must account for the diversity of work arrangements and the absence of formal employer-employee relationships. Without such adaptations, large segments of the workforce remain effectively excluded from legal protection. Another critical gap in the implementation of workplace harassment law lies in the absence of intersectional recognition within institutional mechanisms. While the legislation acknowledges the vulnerability of women in informal sectors, it does not adequately account for differences based on caste, migration status, or age. For example, younger migrant women working as domestic helpers may face heightened risks due to isolation and lack of support networks, yet these specific vulnerabilities remain under-addressed in policy frameworks (Agnes, 2014).

Furthermore, the effectiveness of Local Complaints Committees (LCCs) depends heavily on administrative capacity and outreach. In many districts, LCCs exist only on paper or function irregularly, limiting their accessibility. This gap between statutory intent and institutional reality highlights a recurring pattern across legal frameworks—one where progressive legislation is undermined by weak implementation structures.

Migration, Identity and Gendered Vulnerability

Migration significantly shapes the experiences of slum women. Many migrate from rural areas in search of employment, often losing access to identity documents in the process. This loss creates barriers to accessing welfare schemes and legal remedies.

Language differences and unfamiliarity with urban institutions further complicate their situation. Migrant women may hesitate to approach authorities due to fear of discrimination or lack of support networks. These factors collectively increase their vulnerability and limit their ability to assert legal rights (Deshingkar & Farrington, 2009).

Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987 and Access to Justice

The Legal Services Authorities Act aims to provide free legal aid to marginalized groups. While the framework is well-intentioned, its implementation in slum contexts reveals significant gaps.

Awareness about legal aid services remains low, and outreach efforts are often inadequate. Even when services are accessed, concerns about the quality of representation persist. Procedural complexities and documentation requirements further hinder access.

Paralegal volunteers and legal aid camps have attempted to bridge these gaps, but their impact is limited by resource constraints and lack of sustained engagement. Gender sensitivity within legal aid institutions also remains an area of concern (Galanter & Krishnan, 2004).

The gap in legal aid accessibility is also linked to broader questions of trust in institutions. Studies have shown that marginalized communities often perceive formal legal systems as distant, slow, and unresponsive (Galanter & Krishnan, 2004). This perception discourages engagement, even when services are technically available. For women in slum areas, past experiences—either personal or collective—play a significant role in shaping these perceptions.

Additionally, language barriers and literacy levels affect the ability to understand legal procedures and documentation requirements. Legal communication is often conducted in technical language that is inaccessible to non-specialists, further alienating potential beneficiaries. Addressing these barriers requires not only procedural reform but also a shift toward more inclusive modes of legal communication.

Informality, Documentation, and Identity

Documentation plays a central role in accessing legal rights. However, for slum residents, obtaining and maintaining such documentation is a persistent challenge. Women, in particular, face additional barriers due to limited ownership of assets and identity proofs.

The absence of documentation affects multiple aspects of legal engagement, from filing complaints to accessing welfare schemes. It also increases vulnerability to eviction and displacement, further destabilizing lives (Roy, 2009).

Role of Local Governance and Community Structures

Local governance institutions and community organizations play a crucial role in mediating access to rights. In Kolkata, self-help groups and NGOs have contributed to legal awareness and service delivery.

However, these mechanisms are not without limitations. Political mediation often influences access to services, leading to selective enforcement. Women’s participation in local decision-making remains limited, affecting the prioritization of gender issues.

Socio-Legal Realities: Lived Experiences

The lived experiences of slum women reveal the gap between legal frameworks and practical realities. Economic constraints, social norms, and institutional barriers shape their engagement with the law.

In many cases, women rely on informal mechanisms for dispute resolution, prioritizing immediate survival over long-term legal outcomes. These everyday negotiations highlight the need for context-sensitive approaches to rights enforcement.

Rethinking Enforcement: Toward Context-Responsive Approaches

Bridging the enforcement gap requires innovative strategies that align legal frameworks with social realities. Simplifying procedures, strengthening local institutions, and enhancing legal literacy are critical steps.

Mobile legal clinics, digital outreach, and community-based initiatives offer promising avenues for improving accessibility. Women-led collectives, in particular, can play a transformative role in building legal awareness and collective agency.

Comparative Perspective: Lessons from Other Indian Cities

A comparative perspective reveals that the challenges observed in Kolkata are not unique but resonate across other Indian cities. In Mumbai and Delhi, for instance, studies have documented similar gaps in the implementation of gender-related laws within informal settlements (Bhan, 2016). However, certain localized interventions offer useful insights.

In some cities, partnerships between municipal authorities and community-based organizations have improved access to legal services and welfare schemes. These initiatives often rely on decentralized models of governance, where community representatives act as intermediaries between residents and formal institutions. Such approaches demonstrate the potential of localized strategies in addressing structural barriers.

At the same time, comparative analysis highlights the importance of political will and administrative commitment in shaping outcomes. Where local governments have actively engaged with informal communities, there is evidence of improved service delivery and rights enforcement. These examples suggest that while legal frameworks provide the foundation, their effectiveness ultimately depends on context-specific implementation.

Everyday Legal Consciousness and Informal Justice

Legal consciousness among slum women is shaped not only by awareness of formal rights but also by everyday interactions with institutions and community structures. Rather than viewing law as a distant authority, many women engage with it pragmatically, drawing on both formal and informal mechanisms to address grievances. This hybrid approach reflects a nuanced understanding of the limitations and possibilities of legal intervention (Chatterjee, 2004).

Informal justice systems, including community mediation and local dispute resolution, play a significant role in this context. While these mechanisms are often more accessible and culturally embedded, they may also reinforce existing power hierarchies. Women’s participation in such processes is frequently constrained by social norms, limiting their ability to assert their interests fully.

At the same time, instances of collective action demonstrate the potential for transformative change. Women’s groups and self-help collectives have, in some cases, successfully mobilized around issues such as violence, access to services, and labor rights. These initiatives highlight the importance of community-based strategies in complementing formal legal frameworks

Conclusion

The analysis presented in this paper underscores the limitations of a purely formal approach to rights enforcement. While India’s legal framework provides a strong foundation for gender justice, its effectiveness is constrained by structural inequalities and implementation gaps.

For women in Kolkata’s informal settlements, the challenge lies not only in the recognition of rights but in their realization. Addressing this challenge requires a shift toward substantive accessibility, supported by institutional reform and community engagement. The persistence of enforcement gaps in the context of slum women’s rights underscores the need for a shift in both legal thinking and policy design. Rather than viewing informality as an obstacle to be eliminated, policymakers must recognize it as a defining feature of urban life that requires adaptive governance strategies. This involves rethinking legal procedures to accommodate the realities of undocumented populations and informal labor arrangements.

Equally important is the need to strengthen institutional accountability. Legal provisions, no matter how progressive, cannot achieve their intended impact without effective implementation. This requires investment in capacity-building, monitoring mechanisms, and community engagement. The role of civil society organizations and grassroots movements is particularly crucial in this regard, as they serve as intermediaries between formal institutions and marginalized communities.

Ultimately, the realization of rights for slum women depends on a multidimensional approach that integrates legal reform, social policy, and community empowerment. By centering the experiences of those at the margins, it becomes possible to move beyond symbolic guarantees toward substantive justice.

A critical takeaway from this analysis is that legal reform, while necessary, is insufficient in isolation. The persistence of enforcement gaps indicates that the challenge lies not only in the content of the law but in the conditions under which it operates. Informal settlements present a context where legal norms intersect with social realities in complex ways, requiring adaptive and responsive approaches.

Future policy interventions must therefore prioritize inclusivity and accessibility. This includes simplifying procedures, expanding outreach, and strengthening accountability mechanisms. Importantly, the voices and experiences of slum women must be central to these efforts, as they offer valuable insights into the functioning of legal systems at the ground level.

References

  • Agnes, F. (2014). Law, justice and gender: Family law and constitutional provisions in India. Oxford University Press.

  • Bhan, G. (2016). In the public’s interest: Evictions, citizenship, and inequality in contemporary Delhi. University of Georgia Press.

  • Bhide, A. (2017). Women in urban informal settlements: Issues of housing and access. Economic and Political Weekly, 52(17), 45–52.

  • Chatterjee, P. (2004). The politics of the governed: Reflections on popular politics in most of the world. Columbia University Press.

  • Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex. University of Chicago Legal Forum, 1989(1), 139–167.

  • Deshingkar, P., & Farrington, J. (2009). Circular migration and multilocational livelihood strategies in rural India. Oxford University Press.

  • Fredman, S. (2016). Discrimination law (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press.

  • Galanter, M., & Krishnan, J. (2004). Bread for the poor: Access to justice and the rights of the needy in India. Hastings Law Journal, 55, 789–834.

  • Jaising, I. (2007). Domestic violence legislation in India: The pitfalls. Economic and Political Weekly, 42(17), 1571–1577.

  • Kabeer, N. (2005). Gender equality and women’s empowerment: A critical analysis. Gender & Development, 13(1), 13–24.

  • MacKinnon, C. A. (1989). Toward a feminist theory of the state. Harvard University Press.

  • Roy, A. (2005). Urban informality: Toward an epistemology of planning. Journal of the American Planning Association, 71(2), 147–158.

  • Roy, A. (2009). Why India cannot plan its cities: Informality, insurgence and the idiom of urbanization. Planning Theory, 8(1), 76–87.

  • Census of India. (2011). Primary Census Abstract. Government of India.

  • UN-Habitat. (2016). World Cities Report. United Nations.

Legal Sources

  • Government of India. (1950). The Constitution of India.

  • Government of India. (1987). Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987.

  • Government of India. (2005). Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005.

  • Government of India. (2013). Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013.

 Case Laws

  • Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan, (1997) 6 SCC 241 (India).

  • Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation, (1985) 3 SCC 545 (India).